• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.120-147
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• 2019

In this study, we divided the portraits in the reign of King Seonjo into those which were created before and after the Japanese invasion. We then examined various aspect of costumes expressed in the portraits of meritorious vassals. To analyze official uniforms (Heuk-Danryeung), we examined the Samo height; the side wings' type and pattern; the Danryeung pattern; the Mu style; the processing method of lateral lines in Danryeung the rank badge and rank belt, the color of Dabho and Cheolrik, which were undergarment of Danryeung and Heuk-wa. The meritorious vassals' portraits, prior to Imran, were analyzed with a portrait of Han Eung-in, a Gwang-kuk Pyeong-nan meritorious vassals. The Samo was the highest of the Choson dynasties, and the cloud and treasure pattern was identified on the side wings. The Heuk-Danryeung was a dark blue(acheongsaeg) Danryeung of manja-shaped cloud patterns with a large outward wrinkled Mu, and it had a wild goose badge (second rank) and a Sabgeumdae. It did not coincide with the Pumgye(Jaheondaebu) recorded in Gugjo-inmulgo. Reddish Dabho for Dangsang-kwan, green Cheolrik which was undergarment of Danryeung, and Heuk-wa. were identified. After the invasion of Japan, portraits of Hoseong, Seonmu, and Cheong-nan meritorious vassals were analyzed through eighteen portraits, including Lee Hyeon-bok. After the invasion of the Japanese, the height of the Samo's top was much lower and the width of the side wings was wider than before the invasion of Japanese. The Heuk-Danryeung was a dark blue (acheongsaeg) Danryeung of manja-shaped cloud patterns with a stretching backward Mu. Rank badge and rank belts were almost identical with the record, but there were two exceptions (Sin-jab and Kim, Sae-sin). Therefore, it was reaffirmed that the meritorious vassals' portraits were drawn by the Pumgye at the time of appointment. Among the undergarments of Heuk-Danryeung, green Dabho(11), blue Dabho(4), reddish Dabho(3), and blue Cheolrik(10), green Cheolrik(6), reddish Cheolrik(1), and yucheongsaeg Cheolrik(1) were identified, However, it is suggested that the Dabho of Hoseong, Seonmu, and Cheong-nan meritorious vassals should be the reddish Dabho of Dangsang-kwan, which is the same as the previous Imran, and a green Cheolrik.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.329-356
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• 2018

Types of emotional expressions are comprised of vocabulary that describes emotion and composition of sentences to express emotion such as an exclamatory sentence and a rhetorical question, expressions of interjection, adverbs of attitude for an idea, and a style of writing. This study is focused on vocabulary that describes emotion and analyzes the aspect of translation when emotional expression of 'Kyo(驚)' is shown in "Kokoro". As a result, the aspect of translation for expression of 'Kyo(驚)' showed that it was translated to vocabulary as suggested in the dictionary in some cases. However, it was not always translated as suggested in the dictionary. Vocabulary that describes the emotion of 'Kyo(驚)' in Japanese sentences is mostly translated to corresponding parts of speech in Korean. Some adverbs needed to add 'verbs' when they were translated. Different vocabulary was added or used to maximize emotion. However, the corresponding part of speech in English was different from Korean. Examples of Japanese sentences expressing 'Kyo(驚)' by verbs were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs such as 'surprise' 'astonish' 'amaze' 'shock' 'frighten' 'stun' in many cases. Idioms were also translated with focus on the function of sentences rather than the form of sentences. Those expressed in adverbs did not accompany verbs of 'Kyo(驚)'. They were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs and adjectives such as 'surprise' 'astonish' 'amaze' 'shock' 'frighten' 'stun' in many cases. Main agents of emotion were showat the first person and the third person in simple sentences. Translation of emotional expressions when a main agent was the first person showed that the fundamental word order of Japanese was translated as in Korean. However, adverbs of time and adverbs of degree were ended to be added. The first person as the main agent of emotion was positioned at the place of subject when it was translated in English. However, things or causes of events were positioned at the place of subject in some cases to show the degree of 'Kyo(驚)' which the main agent experienced. The expression of conjecture and supposition or a certain visual and auditory basis was added to translate the expression of emotion when the main agent of emotion was the third person. Simple sentences without the main agent of emotion showed that their subjects could be omitted even if they were essential components because they could be known through context in Korean. These omitted subjects were found and translated in English. Those subjects were not necessarily human who was the main agent of emotion. They could be things or causes of events that specified the expression of emotion.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.131-161
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• 2018

Emotional expressions are expressions that show the internal condition of mind or consciousness. Types of emotional expressions include vocabulary that describes emotion, the composition of sentences that expresses emotion such as an exclamatory sentence and rhetorical question, expressions of interjection, appellation, causative, passive, adverbs of attitude for an idea, and a style of writing. This study focuses on vocabulary that describes emotion and analyzes the aspect of translation when emotional expressions of 'Hu(怖)' is shown on "Kokoro". The aspect of translation was analyzed by three categories as follows; a part of speech, handling of subjects, and classification of meanings. As a result, the aspect of translation for expressions of Hu(怖)' showed that they were translated to vocabulary as they were suggested in the dictionary in some cases. However, they were not always translated as they were suggested in the dictionary. Vocabulary that described the emotion of 'Hu(怖)' in Japanese sentences were mostly translated to their corresponding parts of speech in Korean. Some adverbs needed to add 'verbs' when they were translated. Also, different vocabulary was added or used to maximize emotion. However, the correspondence of a part of speech in English was different from Korean. Examples of Japanese sentences that expressed 'Hu(怖)' by verbs were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs such as 'fear', 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. Also, idioms were translated with focus on the function of sentences rather than the form of sentences. Examples, what was expressed in adverbs did not accompany verbs of 'Hu (怖)'. Instead, it was translated to the expression of participles for passive verbs and adjectives such as 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. The main agents of emotion were shown in the first person and the third person in simple sentences. The translation on emotional expressions when a main agent was the first person showed that the fundamental word order of Japanese was translated as it was in Korean. However, adverbs of time and adverbs of degree tended to be added. Also, the first person as the main agent of emotion was positioned at the place of subject when it was translated in English. However, things or the cause of events were positioned at the place of subject in some cases to show the degree of 'Hu(怖)' which the main agent experienced. The expression of conjecture and supposition or a certain visual and auditory basis was added to translate the expression of emotion when the main agent of emotion was the third person. Simple sentences without a main agent of emotion showed that their subjects could be omitted even if they were essential components because they could be known through context in Korean. These omitted subjects were found and translated in English. Those subjects were not necessarily humans who were the main agents of emotion. They could be things or causes of events that specified the expression of emotion.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Archives of design research
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.319-328
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• 2003

The purpose of this study was to investigate the actual size of tables and chairs in small restaurants. The examined objets were 48 restaurants serving flour-based, korean style and japanese style meals. Those restaurants are currently being operated at six universities in Seoul, and their sizes are limited under $66m^2$. The results of this study were as follows ; 1 . In small restaurants, the size of the seat for one person is $0.346m^2$on the average. The range of the size starts from $0.285m^2$to $0.403m^2$, showing a great difference. 2. The most common size of tables in small restaurants is the oblong style of $600{\times}900$ for four people. The smallest size is $440{\times}710$, while the biggest one is $700{\times}1000$, showing a great number of variation. If the most common size of tables is set to be the general size of tables in small restaurants, it will be $600{\times}900$. 3. The sizes of the seats for chairs used in small restaurants start from $270{\times}270$ to $430{\times}430$. The most common size of the seats for chairs is $400{\times}400$, only showing a small number. For the cases of tables with the most common size of $600{\times}900$, the width of the seats for chairs should be under 400. 4. For the height between the table and the seats of the chair, the distance from 270 to 300 is relevant. However, according to the results of the investigation, it seems that there are more cases of the distance from 250 to 260 than that from 270 to 300.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.31-61
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• 2010

This thesis proposes to explore the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during after the Liberation. From now South-Korean theorists have provided the theatre aesthetics of North-Korea to South-Korea, so we can say that it lacks of an equity. For example, South-theorists have said that North-Korean theatre only emphasized politics and propaganda, they have had not any aesthetics in performance. So this study focused on North-Korean critics and records for fairness and as a result something new is founded. The best theatres in North-Korea were some works which contains natural and proper lines to character, well-expressed inner desires of characters, realistic acting and stage design, and realistic life of working class. Of course they should reflect communist ideology and policy, but more important is that it did not mean everything in North-Korea. So we can say that it is fact that North-Korea should reflect their policy, which does not mean lack of aesthetics of performance. North-Korea had an obvious point of view for theatre, and they made an effort to realistic lines, movements and stage. During right after the Liberation, North Korea sought to find an answer for 'realization of true life', and sought to eliminate Japanese acting style in theatre. Concluded theatre aesthetics of North-Korea during right after the Liberation is realistic acting and directing style.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.1-19
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• 2013

This study tries to review 'Sakuteiki(作庭記)', the Book of Garden Making, compiled at the end of the 11th Century during the Heian Period of Japan, from the East-Asian perspective. 'Sakuteiki' is a Garden Theory Book, the oldest in the world as well as in Asia, and it contains the traditional knowledge of Japanese ancient garden culture, which originated from the continent(Korea and China). Traditional knowledge related to East-Asian garden culture reviewed in this paper is "Fungsu Theory"(風水, Asian traditional ecology: Fengshui in Chinese; Fusui in Japanese), stemmed from the culture to seek sound and blessed places to live in. Viewed from modern landscape architecture, the Fungsu Theory corresponds to ecology(science). The Fungsu Theory was established around the Han Dynasty of China together with the Yinyangwuxing(陰陽五行) Theory and widely used for making human residences including gardens. It was transmitted to Japan via Korea as well as through direct transaction between Japan and China. This study reinterprets garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki, which were selected in 5 key words according to the Fungsu Theory. The 5 key words for the Fungsu Theory are "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)", "planting trees in the four cardinal directions", "flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry", and "mountain is the king, water is the people". Garden design principles of "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)" and "planting trees in the four cardinal directions" are corresponding to "Myeongdang-ron(明堂論, Theory of propitious site)". The place in harmony of four guardian gods mentioned in Sakuteiki is a landform surrounded by the flow of water to the east, the great path to the west, the pond to the south, and the hill to the north. And the Theory originated from Zhaijing(宅經, Classic of dwelling Sites) of China. According to this principle, the city was planned and as a miniature model, the residence of the aristocrat during the Heian period was made. At the residence the location of the garden surrounded by the four gods(the flow of water, the great path, the pond, and the hill) is the Myeongdang(明堂, the propitious site: Mingtang in Chinese; Meido in Japanese). Sakuteiki explains how to substitute for the four gods by planting trees in the four cardinal directions when they were not given by nature. This way of planting originated from Zhaijing(宅經) and also goes back to Qiminyaoshu (齊民要術), compiled in the 6th Century of China. In this way of planting, the number of trees suggested in Sakuteiki is related to Hetu(河圖) and Luoshu(洛書), which are iconography of Yi(易), the philosophy of change, in ancient China. Such way of planting corresponds to that of Yongdoseo(龍圖墅, the villa based on the principle of Hetu) presented in Sanrimgyeongje (山林經濟), an encyclopedia on agriculture and living in the 17th Century of Korea. And garden design principles of "the flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry" is connected to "Saenggi Theory(生氣論, Theory of vitality)". Sakuteiki explains the right flow of Chi(氣) through the proper flow and the reverse flow of the garden stream and also suggests the curved line of the garden stream, asymmetric arrangement of bridges and stones in the garden, and indented shape of pond edges, which are ways of accumulating Chi(氣) and therefore lead to "Saenggi Theory" of the Fungsu Theory. The last design principle, "mountain is the king, water is the people", is related to "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory. Sakuteiki explains the meaning of garden through a metaphor, which views mountain as king, water as the people, and stones as king's retainers. It compares the situation in which the king governs the people with the help of his retainers to the ecological phenomena in which mountain(earth) controls water with the help of stones. This principle befits "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory which explains landform on the analogy of social systems, people, animals and things. As above, major garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki can be interpreted in the context of the Fungsu Theory, the traditional knowledge system in East Asia. Therefore, we can find the significance of Sakuteiki in that the wisdom of ancient garden culture in East-Asia was integrated in it, although it described the knowhow of a specific garden style in a specific period of Japan.

• Strategy21
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• s.31
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• pp.57-84
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• 2013

North Korea's continuous threats and provocative behaviors have aggravated tension on the Korean peninsula particularly with the recent nuclear weapons test. South Korea's best way to cope with this situation is to maintain the balance among three policy directions: dialogue, sanctions, and deterrence. Among the three, I argue that deterrence should be prioritized. There are different sources of deterrence such as military power, economic power, and diplomatic clouts. States can build deterrence capability independently. Alternatively, they may do so through relations with other states including alliances, bilateral relations, or multilateral relations in the international community. What South Korea needs most urgently is to maintain deterrence against North Korea's local provocations through the enhancement of independent military capability particularly by addressing the asymmetric vulnerability between militaries of the South and the North. Most of all, the South Korean government should recognize the seriousness of the negative consequences that North Korea's 'Nuclear shadow strategy' would bring about for the inter-Korea relations and security situations in Northeast Asia. Based on this understanding, it should develop an 'assertive deterrence strategy' that emphasizes 'multi-purpose, multi-stage, and tailored deterrence whose main idea lies in punitive retaliation.' This deterrence strategy requires a flexible targeting policy and a variety of retaliatory measures capable of taking out all targets in North Korea. At the same time, the force structures of the army, the air force, and the navy should be improved in a way that maximizes their deterrence capability. For example, the army should work on expanding the guided missile command and the special forces command and reforming the reserve forces. The navy and the air force should increase striking capabilities including air-to-ground, ship-to-ground, and submarine-to-ground strikes to a great extent. The marine corps can enhance its deterrence capability by changing the force structure from the stationary defense-oriented one that would have to suffer some degree of troop attrition at the early stage of hostilities to the one that focuses on 'counteroffensive landing operations.' The government should continue efforts for defense reform in order to obtain these capabilities while building the 'Korean-style triad system' that consists of advanced air, ground, and surface/ subsurface weapon systems. Besides these measures, South Korea should start to acquire a minimum level of nuclear potential within the legal boundary that the international law defines. For this, South Korea should withdraw from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Moreover, it should obtain the right to process and enrich uranium through changing the U.S.-South Korea nuclear cooperation treaty. Whether or not we should be armed with nuclear weapons should not be understood in terms of "all or nothing." We should consider an 'in-between' option as the Japanese case proves. With regard to the wartime OPCON transition, we need to re-consider the timing of the transition as an effort to demonstrate the costliness of North Korea's provocative behaviors. If impossible, South Korea should take measures to make the Strategic Alliance 2015 serve as a persisting deterrence system against North Korea. As the last point, all the following governments of South Korea should keep in mind that continuing reconciliatory efforts should always be pursued along with other security policies toward North Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.321-343
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• 2004

In principal, the original form of Eupchi landscape in Naepo reflects a traditional idea regarding direction as a connection with one's fortune and naturalization strategy of power. In reality, the weight for the landscape inside the castle town was distinct by locality according to the conditions of natural geographies and main function of the castle town. In other words, the traditional Eupchi landscape was shaped under the fixed principles but it was simultaneously reflecting the local temporality and spatiality. As Chosun Dynasty went under the Japanese colonization, Eupchi in the traditional period started to evolve into a modem city. That is to say, the traditional Eupchi as a political place became to change into the center of capital accumulation, stronghold of economy and education, and center of town beyond the function as a place for government and administration. Therefore, the process of change from the landscape of Eupchi to a modem city was a kind of revolution in the form and function, and it was also a very rapid rearrangement of social space. The disparate element of landscape and double social space worked as a vital inertial element in the urban structure of Naepo area until the post independence and evolution of landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.159-178
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• 2012

Since the suggestions on the paleo-glacial landforms in and around the northern high mountains of Korean Peninsula by some western and Japanese scientists in the early 1900s, the likelihood of the glacier existence in the Baekdusan over the Quaternary glacial period has been had in common among most of the Korean geomorphologists. In the other meaning, some have cast doubt on the likelihood the paleo-glacier in the Baekdusan because there has been no unequivocal evidences for the glacier such as striation, moraines, except morphologic characteristic landforms possibly related to glacier. Here we show some evidences for the existence of the glacier in the Baekdusan and their cosmogenic $^{36}Cl$ exposure ages over the late Quaternary and would put forward a model on the Quaternary landscape evolution of the Baekdusan, with a focus on the relationship of 1000 AD explosive eruption and the glacial landforms. The exposure ages constrained by cosmogenic $^{36}Cl$ abundances of the col surface of the western slope located below the glacier yield 46~26 ka, which is inphase with the last glacial period. Given all the evidences above, we can draw a conclusion that the glacier existed on the Baekdusan over the late Quaternary and the style of glaciation changed from extensive ice cap through valley glacier to restricted cirque.