• International Journal of Contents
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.75-81
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• 2012

This study explores the important causal relationship between the public (domestic) and trade (international) disputes of South Korea and China. To understand the relations between the domestic and international disputes, Putnam's study of the two-level game theory has been conducted in order to analyze the effect of complicated social and political frameworks on international trade disputes. Due to the social and political differences between South Korea and China, this study provides three findings based on negotiation, policy, and strategic approaches.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.163-186
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• 2007

Charter flight in international air law has, from very beginning, not precisely defined by the International Civil Aviation Organization (lCAO) since 1947 when it came into being. By practice, the operation of charter traffic is, in its very beginning, the subject to the regulations of national rules and bilateral charter agreements (charter annex clause) within the framework of normal bilateral agreement of international air services. Taiwan had signed a series of bilateral air service agreement under the name of the Government of the Republic of China when Taiwan was recognized by the United Nations and major members of international community as the sole legal government representing China before 1971, but that situation was changed since then. Taiwan has only maintained diplomatic relations with 25 States, but maintained semi-official relations with major powers of the world. The former agreements were signed within the framework of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969 while the latter agreements were signed within the framework of administrative and civil law of two countries which were not in the form of bilateral treaty signed by two sovereign States in its proper sense of international law. The legal regime of charter flights between Taiwan and Mainland China is regulated by special arrangements negotiated by delegated airlines and airlines association or private law institutions.

• Journal of the International Relations & Interdisciplinary Education
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.24-35
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• 2021

Today's society is against the backdrop of rapid development and rapid change. As an important social entity, universities are inevitable to strengthen international exchanges and cooperation to meet changes in society. International exchange and cooperation will be one of the five new professions of universities following talent training, scientific research, community service, cultural transmission and innovation. The study explores various aspects of Qingdao University's international exchange and cooperation status, including organizational operations, international projects, international academic exchanges, and international cooperation schools, and presents problems and implications. To better achieve international exchange and cooperation of universities in the future, we would like to provide a useful reference. The focus is on enriching vocational theory of higher education and further supplementing related theoretical systems such as international exchange and cooperation and internationalization of higher education.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.25-33
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• 2011

• Proceedings of KHEA Conference
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• 1997.07a
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• pp.206-206
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• 1997

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.117-120
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• 2021

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.83-86
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• 2024

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.39-66
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• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.51-64
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• 2020

Interviews with 17 Korean American professionals living in Korea revealed the relationship between their status, cultural identities, social capital, and conflicts that arise between their understanding of American and Korean social norms. The findings indicate that social capital for Korean Americans in Korea largely comprises of their English community in Korea and the Seoul Global Center; and that their access to social capital in the Korean society, in general, is limited. As result of limited availability and accessibility of social capital, with a sense of superiority, they maintained their American identity. In terms of social control, their lack of motivation to adopt and follow Korean social norms, as well as them being from the U.S., limited changes occurred in their cultural identity. Extending previous research on the Theory of Intercultural Public Relations, the public's power allows them to maintain their cultural identity, which in turn, effect their communication process. Implications of these findings, as well as suggestions for future study, are discussed.