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Studios on the Metagonimus fluke in the Daecheong Reservoir and the upper stream of Geum River, Borea (대청호 및 그 상류의 Metagonimus 흡충에 관한 연구)

  • 김종환;김남만
    • Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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    • v.25 no.1
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    • pp.69-82
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    • 1987
  • The prevalences of the cuke belonging to genus Metagonimus hove been reported along the upper stream of inhabitants by several workers since 1980, however the taxonomical problems of the fluke was not yet settled. The larval flukes; cercaria and metacercaria as well as their intermediate hosts, and adult were studied in order to identify the Mepagonimus in the areas. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. The snails, Semisulcospira globus were collected (rom the three different localities along the upper stream of the River. The cercariae were found from 125(7.2%) out of 1,730 snails by natural emerging method, and were identified into 5 species including Metagenimus sp. (3.7%), Pseudexorchis major(1.4%), Cercaria nipponensis (0.9%), Cercaria incerpa(0.6%), and Cercaria yoshidae(0.6%). Cercariae of Metagonimus species had four to dye oral spines on its anterior of the first line. 2. The cercariae of Metagonimus were experimentally exposed to goldfish. nfection rate was 22.9% out of 105 goldfish, and the encysted metacercariae were found in fins(86.7%) and on scales (13.7%) of the fishes, but not in their muscle, head or visceral organs. 3. Seven species of ask were caught in the Daecheong Reservoir and the upper stream. Infestations with metacercaria of Metagonimus were found 100% in Opsariichtys widens and the parasitized numbers of the metacercariae were observed from 250 to 2,400 per fish. In the upper stream, Zacco termmincki, Z. platypus and Pseudogobio esocinus were infected 100% with the metacercaria, on the other hand, the fishes caught in the reservoir showed the lower infestation rates, and a few metacercariae found in the fishes Carassius carassius and Cyprinus carpio in the reservoir and the stream. The majority of metacercariae was detected only on the scales of fishes. 4. In order to know the infectivity and the distribution patterns in the intestine of hosts, rats and dogs were infected with the metacercariae obtained from O. bidens and Z. platypus. In addition the metacercariae obtained from Z. temmincki, P. esocinus and goldfish were given to the rats. The recovery rates of the worms in the small intestine of dogs were higher (63.3~65.8%) than those of the rats (3.5~31.6%). The flukes were found mostly in the middle and the lower part of small intestine of the rats and the dogs, but no worm was collected in the upper part of the intestine of rats. 5. The sixte of adult flukes varied by the hosts. In the adult cukes, oral sucker was smaller than ventral sucker, and the right and left testes were located diagonally, the uterine tubules circled around the upper left testis. The average egg sixte was $29.1{\times}1.7{\mu\textrm{m}}$. According to the above results, the cukes belonging to genus Metagonimus distributed along the Geum River was concluded to be identical with Miyata type of M. yokogawai as that Saito had proposed.

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A Survey on Status of Pregnancy and Delivery at a Rural Village, Nepal(Dolakha Bazar Area) (네팔 돌카지역의 임신분만 환경)

  • Ahn, Young-Woo;Kang, Yune-Sik;Kam, Sin;Lee, Jong-Young
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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    • v.29 no.4 s.55
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    • pp.721-732
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    • 1996
  • This study was conducted to investigate the status of pregnancy and delivery and relationship among knowledge, attitude and practice about pregnancy and delivery in poor country, Nepal. A questionnaire survey by interviewer was conducted to examine the general characteristics, knowledge about pregnancy and delivery, attitude about pregnancy and delivery, the rate of prenatal care and delivery condition of women who had an experience of delivery during last year$(1994.4.13\sim1995.4.12)$ at a rural area, nepal(Dolakha Bazar Area). The major findings are as follows ; Among respondents, 87.5 percentage never had health education and the degree of knowledge about pregnancy and delivery was low. Among respondents, 56.6 percentage had the attitude that they didn't want antenatal care, 42.8 % of respondents answered that they wouldn't visit hospital or health center when vaginal bleeding occurred and 82.9% thought that the delivery itself was dirty. The proportion of women who experienced antenatal care was 28.3%, the proportion of health facilities delivery was 5.3%, which was very low and 82.6% of home delivery case didn't sanitate the tool to cut the umbilical cord. The women who had positive attitude about antenatal care and health facility utilization experienced more antenatal care and health facilities delivery. On consideration of above findings, health education for pregnancy and delivery is required to improve mother-child health status in poor country. To make efficient health education, the target population group, such as the uneducated, inhabitants far from health center or medical facility, must be chosen. To help the poor countries in medical field, the study on health status and its related factors on these countries like this article would be required.

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Study on changes of environment of location of dwelling site based on change of period - Cases of Daejeon Basin in the Bronze Age and the Proto Three Kingdoms Period - (시대변천에 따른 주거지 입지환경 변화 연구 - 대전분지의 청동기시대와 원삼국시대를 사례로 -)

  • PARK, Ji-Hoon;KIM, Kyung-Jin
    • Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.99-111
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is to identify the change of geographical (or geomorphological) location environment of the dwelling site and its cause in Daejon Basin during transition from the Bronze Age to the Proto Three Kingdoms Period. In order to achieve this goal, it was divided into (1) 'comparison of the total number of dwelling sites of a group of remains (or high-density dwelling remains)' and (2) 'comparison of the total number of dwelling sites in certain remains including locations of dwelling of two periods' and location environment was compared to each other in aspects of altitude, gradient, 'distance from the river of water available for use' and 'the difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use' based on change of period. The results were as follows: 1. looking at a change of individual factors, the altitude was elevated and the gradient was increased. The distance from the river of water available for use was decreased or increased in case of 'small scale river' and it was very little difference or increased in case of 'medium scale river'. The difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use was increased in case of 'small scale river' and it was increased or decreased in case of 'medium scale river'. If comparing the individual factors to each other, the increase and decrease of altitude, gradient and the difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use have the similar pattern. Especially, it was shown that the increase of gradient affected the increase of altitude and the difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use. In addition, it was shown that the increase and decrease of distance from the river of water available for use had the different pattern from those of altitude, gradient and 'the difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use'. 3. With above results, it was thought that combination of micro landform characteristics (eg. Characteristics of gradient) of low hills distributed within Daejeon Basin and rich aquatic environment surrounding the low hills affected the selection of location of dwelling sites at the time. Especially, it was shown that 'gradient and distance from the river of water available for use' were relatively more important factors for the inhabitants at the time to select the location of dwelling sites compared to 'altitude and difference between the highest altitude and lowest altitude of river bed of water available for use' upon selecting the location of dwelling.

Risk Assessment of As, Cd, Cu and Pb in Different Rice Varieties Grown on the Contaminated Paddy Soil (중금속 오염 논토양에서 재배된 벼 품종간 위해성평가 비교)

  • Kim, Won-Il;Kim, Jin-Kyoung;Yoo, Ji-Hyock;Paik, Min-Kyoung;Park, Sang-Won;Kwon, Oh-Kyung;Hong, Moo-Ki;Yang, Jay-E;Kim, Jeong-Gyu
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.53-57
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    • 2009
  • Heavy metal pollution may be one of the most serious challenges confront crop production and human health. Therefore, the selection of heavy metal tolerance cultivars which adapted to the contaminated fields will introduced a suitable solution for management this critical environmental risk. The objectives of this research is to assess human health risk using geochemical analyses and exposure assessment of heavy metals in rice cultivars. Risk for inhabitants in the closed mine area was comparatively assessed for As, Cd, Cu and Pb in 10 rice varieties as a major exposure pathway. The average daily dose (ADD) of each heavy metal was estimated by analyzing the exposure pathways to rice and soil. For the non-carcinogenic risk characterization, Hazard Quotient (HQ) and Hazard Index (HI) were calculated using toxicity indices provided by US-EPA IRIS. The different rice varieties revealed a wide range of HI values from 23.6 to 34.3, indicating that all rice varieties have a high potential toxic risk. The DA rice variety showed the lowest HI value while the TB rice variety the highest. The probabilities of cancer risk for As via rice consumption were varied with rice varieties ranging from 2.0E-03 to 3.5E-03 which exceeded the regulatory acceptable risk of 1 in 10,000 set by US-EPA. The DA rice variety also showed the lowest value while the TB rice variety gave the highest value. Our results indicate that risk assessment can be contribute to screen the pollution safe rice cultivars in paddy fields affected by the mining activity.

A Study on the Establishment of Preservation Area for the Preservation of Historical and Cultural Space in the Ancient Village - Focused on the Hongcun, China - (고촌락 역사문화공간 보존을 위한 보호구역 설정 방안 연구 - 중국 굉촌을 중심으로 -)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil;Dai, Gai-Rong
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.1
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    • pp.65-73
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    • 2022
  • This paper analyzed the characteristics of ancient villages in Hongcun and the method of resetting the preservation area for the preservation of the changed historical and cultural space in Hongcun through the process of change. To this end, the current status of preservation areas and utilization areas in the village was identified through ancient documents, old paintings, policy materials, and interviews related to the village, and through this, the problem of resetting the preservation area was examined. As a result, the following conclusions were drawn. First, Hongcun is a village built under the influence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and the spatial organization was created according to the hierarchy of Confucianism. As a result, it was possible to inherit and preserve the heritage of ancestors even though the central government did not preserve it. Second, the concept of preservation in a limited sense has been applied as Hongcun has been recognized as a cultural heritage that has been passed down since ancient times, but the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution brought about changes in the village space. Since then, ancient buildings, water systems, and forests have been preserved through regulations on new construction and expansion of a building with the Hongchon preservation plan, but the development within the preservation area is underway due to changes in the lives of original inhabitants, which were followed by continued development pressure and reform and opening. Third, the original inhabitant of ancient villages had a high perception of the value of the heritage, but they demanded the preparation of measures to improve living conditions and create profits, and the active use of villages for this. Fourth, the forest consisting of old trees is being restored, but the gardens in the old house are showing a phenomenon that the garden space is reduced or transformed for use. The bridges and parking lots were newly built in the southern area, which was extended from the western area, the original entrance to the ancient village, resulting in changes in the existing entrance. This was found to be the primary cause of the spatial change of the ancient village, as the road system was modified to make it convenient for tourists to enter and exit. Fifth, the existing preservation area should be reset and preserved by resetting the preservation route centered on Wolso(half Moon Pool), while the surrounding area should be set as a direct and indirect experience space, and according to the hierarchy of each space, the utilization should proceed while the preservation is carried out by crossing the preservation and the utilization.

A Study on How Urban Gardening Affect Citizens' Quality of Life and Social Capital in Deteriorated Neighborhood - Focus on the Residential Complex in Gojan 1-Dong, An San City - (노후 근린생활권 정원 활동이 지역 주민의 삶의 만족과 커뮤니티에 미치는 영향 연구 - 경기도 안산시 고잔1동 연립주택단지를 대상으로 -)

  • Park, Ji-eun;Sung, Jong-Sang;Son, Yong-Hoon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.56-71
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    • 2023
  • Citizens' needs for urban green spaces are on the rise due to improved quality of life and increased interest in environments. The garden is noteworthy because it is small in size, making it less controversial to create in the city, and it is adjacent to the residential area, improving citizens' daily environment. Moreover, recently gardens is attracting attention as a tool for urban regeneration, such as being created in declining areas as part of a government project. Therefore, it is time to study the role and value of urban gardens in deteriorated areas in terms of space welfare. However, there are few studies that quantitatively evaluate the effects of gardens, and many prior studies are limited to focusing the green space larger than a certain size (e.g., parks and forests). Therefore, the aim of this study is to examine the effect of garden and gardening quantitatively, paying attention to social aspects such as life satisfaction and community of inhabitants. The study was conducted in an old row housing complex in Gojan1-dong, Ansan-si, Gyeonggi-do. In there, some of the dwellers voluntarily created outdoor gardens and engaged in gardening for a long time. In addition, after the 2017 Gyeonggi-do Garden Fair, several gardens have been maintained and used by residents there. For the first step, the field trip was done to research the status of the garden in the area, and then, a survey was conducted on whether or not gardening has an impact on the life satisfaction and community of residents. The results were analyzed by t-test and ANOVA. As a result, residents who are engaged in gardening are more active in the "neighborhood exchange" and "resident participation" than those who are not engaged in gardening. In addition, if residents voluntarily create a garden, the level of "satisfaction of life" is higher than those staying in the garden which is constructed by the government. And a resident who is gardening in the complex shows higher life satisfaction than those who garden outside of the complex. These results confirmed that the garden has positive effects promoting "exchanges with neighbors", "participation in the community", and "life satisfaction" of residents. It shows that it is important to ensure the right of residents to participate in the garden-making process as much as possible, and the garden's location should be paid attention to maximize the positive effect of gardens.

How Did the COVID-19 Pandemic Affect Mobility, Land Use, and Destination Selection? Lesson from Seoul, Korea

  • Lee, Jiwon;Gim, Tae-Hyoung Tommy;Park, Yunmi;Chung, Hyung-Chul;Handayani, Wiwandari;Lee, Hee-Chung;Yoon, Dong Keun;Pai, Jen Te
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.14 no.4
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    • pp.77-93
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    • 2023
  • The COVID-19 pandemic has brought about significant social changes through government prevention and control measures, changes in people's risk perceptions, and lifestyle changes. In response, urban inhabitants changed their behaviors significantly, including their preferences for transportation modes and urban spaces in response to government quarantine policies and concerns over the potential risk of infection in urban spaces. These changes may have long-lasting effects on urban spaces beyond the COVID-19 pandemic or they may evolve and develop new forms. Therefore, this study aims to explore the potential for urban spaces to adapt to the present and future pandemics by examining changes in urban residents' preferences in travel modes and urban space use due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This study found that overall preferences for travel modes and urban spaces significantly differ between the pre-pandemic, pandemic, and post-pandemic periods. During the pandemic, preferences for travel modes and urban spaces has decreased, except for privately owned vehicles and green spaces, which are perceived to be safe from transmission, show more favorable than others. Post-pandemic preferences for travel modes and urban spaces are less favorable than pre-pandemic with urban spaces being five times less favorable than transportation. Although green spaces and medical facilities that were positively perceived during the pandemic are expected to return to the pre-pandemic preference level, other factors of urban spaces are facing a new-normal. The findings suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on urban residents' preferences for travel modes and urban space use. Understanding these changes is crucial for developing strategies to adapt to present and future pandemics and improve urban resilience.

A Study on the Location of Retail Trade in Kwangju-si and Its Inhabitants와 Effcient Utilization (광주시 소매업의 입지와 주민의 효율적 이용에 관한 연구)

  • ;Jeon, Kyung-sook
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.68-92
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    • 1995
  • Recentry the structure of the retail trade have been chanaed with its environmantal changes. Some studies may be necessary on the changing process of environment and fundamental structure analyses of the retail trade. This study analyzes the location of retail trades, inhabitants' behavior in retail tredes and their desirable utilization scheme of them in Kwangju-si. Some study methods, contents and coming-out results are as follows: 1. Retail trades can be classified into independent stores, chain-stores (supermarket, voluntary chain and frenchiise system and convenience store), department stores, cooperative associations, traditional, markets mail-order marketing, automatic vending and others by service levels, selling-items, prices, managements, methods of retailing and store or nonstore type. 2. In Kwangju, the environment of retail trades is related to the consumers of population structure: chanes in consumers pattern, trends toward agings and nuclear family, increase of leisur: time and female advances to society. Rapid structural shift in retail trade has also been occurred due to these social changes. Traditionl and premodern markets until 1970s altere to supermarkets or department stores in 1980s, and various types, large enterprises and foreign capitals came into being in 1990s. 3. The locational characteristics of retail trades are resulted from the spatial analysis of the total population distribution, and from the calculation of segregation index in the light of potential demand. The densely-populated areas occurs in newly-built apartment housing complex which is distributed with a ring-shaped pattern around the old urban core. The numbers and rates of the aged over sixty in Kwangsan-gu and the circumference area of Mt.Moodeung, are larger and higher where rural elements are remarkable. A relation between population distribution and retail trade are analysed by the index of population per shop. The index of the population number per shop is lower in urban center, as a whole, being more convenient for consumers. In newly-formed apartment complex areas, on the other, the index more than 1,000 per shop, meeting not the demands for consumers. Because both the younger and the aged are numerous in these areas, the retail trade pattern pertinent to both are needed. Urban fringes including Kwangsan-gu and the vicinity of Mt.Moodeung have some problems owing to the most of population number per shop (more than 1, 500) and the most extensive as well. 4. The regional characteristic of retail trade is analyzed through the location quotient of shops by locational patterns and centerality index. Chungkum-dong is the highest-order central place in CBD. It is the core of retail trades, which has higher-ordered specialty store including three big department stores, supermarkets and large stores. Taegum-dong, Chungsu-dong, Taeui-dong, and Numun-dong that are neiahbored to Chungkum-dong fall on the second group. They have a central commercial section where large chain stores, specialty shopping streets, narrow-line retailing shops (furniture, amusement service, and gallary), supermarkets and daily markets are located. The third group is formed on the axis of state roads linking to Naju-kun, Changseong-kun, Tamyang-kun, Hwasun-kun and forme-Songjeong-eup. It is related to newly, rising apartment housing complex along a trunk road, and characterized by markets and specialty stores. The fourth group has neibourhood-shopping centers including older residential area and Songjeong-eup area with independent stores and supermarkets as main retailing functions. The last group contains inner residential area and outer part of a city including Songjeong-eup. Outer part of miscellaneous shops being occasionally found is rural rather than urban (Fig. 7). 5. The residents' behaviors using retail trade are analyzed by factors of goods and facilities. Department stores are very high level in preference for higher-order shopping-goods such as clothes for full dress in view of both diversity and quality of goods(28.9%). But they have severe traffic congestions, and high competitions for market ranges caused by their sma . 64.0% of respondents make combined purpose trips together with banking and shopping. 6. For more efficiency of retail-trading, it is necessary to induce spatial distribution policy with regard to opportunity frequency of goods selection by central place, frontier regions and age groups. Also we must consider to analyze competition among different types of retail trade and analyze the consumption behaviors of working females and younger-aged groups, in aspects of time and space. Service improvement and the rationalization of management should be accomplished in such as cooperative location (situation) must be under consideration in relations to other functions such as finance, leisure & sports, and culture centers. Various service systems such as installment, credit card and peremium ticket, new used by enterprises, must also be carried service improvement. The rationalization and professionalization in for the commercial goods are bsically requested.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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