• Title/Summary/Keyword: In-Process Compensation

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Administrative Legislation Procedures, Pre-Notices, Listening to Opinions under the Administrative Law of the United States - Focusing on the Analysis of the 2019 Ruling, Federal Supreme Court Azar v. Allina Health Service, 587 U.S. 1804 - (미국 행정법상 행정입법절차와 사전통지, 의견청취 - Azar v. Allina Health Service, 587 U.S. 1804 2019 판결에 대한 분석을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Yong-Min
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.21 no.1
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    • pp.187-220
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    • 2020
  • Today, administrative legislation is becoming more and more important in that it not only sets the legal life relationship of the people in great detail and detail, but is closely related to the occurrence, extinction, and alteration of rights and obligations held by prisoners. In the United States, the types of administrative legislation are divided into substantive and interpretative regulations, so-called substantive regulations, which give prior notice and opportunity to comment on interested parties through formal or informal administrative procedures in accordance with Article 553 of the Federal Administrative Procedures Act. On the other hand, the interpretation regulation, which is "the regulation established by the Administration for the simple interpretation of statutes," does not require prior notice or comment because it does not affect the people's rights obligations. The Azar v. Allina Health Service, 587 U.S. 1804, 2019 ruling by the U.S. Constitutional Court, subject to this research paper, is about a dispute over a new decision to require Medicare to determine the amount of compensation for care providers that provide medical services for the poor, and should the regulations be regarded as substantive under the Administrative Procedures Act and should not be given a hearing or a simple internal process for processing. Given that the current administrative procedure law of our country stipulates the procedures for administrative pre-announcement through Articles 42.1 and 44.1, but that our courts have not judged violations of legislative pre-announcement procedures under the Administrative Procedures Act so far as to judge the illegality of administrative legislation, the dispute of the U.S. Constitutional Court will provide new implications for controlling legal orders beyond simple legal interpretation and has great significance in terms of readjustment of relevant regulations under future administrative procedures.

Examining the Relationship Among Restaurant Brand Relationship Quality, Attribution, and Emotional Response After Service Failure Experience (서비스 실패 경험 후 레스토랑 브랜드 품질, 귀인 및 감정반응 관계분석)

  • Jang, Gi-Hwa;Song, Soo-Ik;Oh, Sung-Cheon
    • Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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    • v.35 no.4
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    • pp.1120-1133
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to validate the failure attribution factors affecting emotional changes after a failed service by local restaurant users, and the relapse effects of the perceived failure of a customer's brand relationship. In this study, the implications of this study can be divided into the null theory and the homogenous theory, in which the study of the relationship between individual belief that influences the null theory and the post-gender emotional response is minimal. The independence of the crash response (angerous VS compassion) has been equally validated as building a belief-gathering-emotion three-step model. First, emotional BRQ (intimate and love) has a reduction effect on controllable geeks, and behavioral BRQ (relative existence) has an extended effect on controllable geeks. From a management perspective, restaurant managers should be less aware of the repeatability of a customer's service failure and call for customer sympathy. Integratedly, restaurant managers must control the customer's perception of service failure and restore the impact of the customer's BRQ on emotional reactions. A variety of service recovery measures should be established and the cerumen should be controlled. In addition, since BRQs have different effects on anger and sympathy (extended VS), different service failure recovery plans should be presented depending on the characteristics of the customer BRQ. For example, measures such as monetary compensation or fair dealing, emotional distribution to close and loving customers, and persuasion of reciprocal benefits to interdependent customers should be developed according to circumstances. This study explored the effectiveness of the geeks after a service failure and has limitations that do not take into account the various regulatory factors in the BRQ-return-Empression process. Thus, in further studies, the effects of adjusting service failure strength should be considered and a more complete model should be built.

An Interpretation of the Folktale 'the Servant Who Ruined the Master's House' from the Perspective of Analytical Psychology: Centering on the Trickster Archetype (민담 '주인집을 망하게 한 하인'의 분석심리학적 이해: 트릭스터 원형을 중심으로)

  • Myoungsun Roh
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.37 no.2
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    • pp.184-254
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    • 2022
  • Through this thesis, the psychological meaning of the Korean folktale 'the servant who ruined the master's house' was examined. The opposition between the master and the servant is a universal matter of the human psychology. It can be seen as a conflict between the hardened existing collective consciousness and the new consciousness to compensate for and renew it. From different angles, it has become the opposition between man's spiritual and instinctive aspects, between the conscious and the unconscious, or between the ego and the shadow. In the folktale, the master tries several times to get rid of the youngest servant, but the servant uses tricks and wits to steal food, a horse, the youngest sister, and all money from the master, and finally, take his life. It ends with the marriage of the youngest sister and the servant. Enantiodromia, in which the master dies, and the servant becomes the new master, can be seen that the old collective consciousness is destroyed, and the new consciousness that has risen from the collective unconscious takes the dominant position. In an individual's psychological situation, it can be seen that the existing attitude of the ego is dissolved and transformed into a new attitude. In the middle of the story, the servant marries the youngest sister by exploiting naive people to rewrite the back letter written by the master to kill him. This aspect can be understood negatively in the moral concept of collective consciousness, but it can also be seen as a process of integrating mental elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness of the Joseon Dynasty, symbolized by a woman, a honey seller, and a hungry Buddhist monk. The new consciousness, represented by the servant, has the characteristics of a trickster that is not bound by the existing frame, so it can encompass the psychological elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness. Such element may represent compensation or an alternative to the collective consciousness in the late Joseon Dynasty. The master puts the servant in a leather bag and hangs it on a tree to kill the servant. However, the servant deceives a blind man; he opened his eyes while hanged. Instead of the servant, the blind man dies, and the servant is freed. As the problem of the conflict between master and servant is finally entrusted to the whole spirit (Self) symbolized by a tree, the blind man gets removed. It can be understood as an intention of the Self to distinguish and purify the elements of recklessness, stupidity, and greed included in the trickster. Through these processes, the servant, which symbolizes a new change in collective consciousness or a new attitude of ego, solves the existing problems and takes the place of the master. While listening to the cunning servant's performance, the audience feels a sense of joy and liberation. At the same time, in the part where the blind man and the master's family die instead and the servant becomes the master, they experience feelings of fear and concern about the danger and uncontrollability of the servant. The tricksters appearing in foreign analogies are also thoroughly selfish and make innocent beings deceive or die in order to satisfy their desires and escape from danger. Efforts to punish or reform these tricksters are futile and they run away. Therefore, this folktale can also be seen as having a purpose and meaning to let us know that this archetypal shadow is very dangerous and that consciousness cannot control or assimilate it, but only awe and contemplate it. Trickster is an irrational manifestation of revivifying natural energy that rises from the unconscious as a compensation for hardened existing structure and order. The phenomenon may be destructive and immoral from the standpoint of the existing collective mind, but it should be seen as a function of the collective unconscious, a more fundamental psychic function that cannot be morally defined. The servant, a figure of the trickster archetype, is a being that brings transformation and has the duality and contradiction of destructiveness and creativity. The endings of this folktale's analogies are diverse, reflecting the diversified response of the audience's mind due to the ambivalence of the trickster, and also suggesting various responses toward the problem of the trickster from the unconscious. It also shows that the trickster is a problem of inconclusive and controversial contradictions that cannot be controlled with a conscious rational attitude, and that we can only seriously contemplate the trickster archetype within us.

A 10b 200MS/s 75.6mW $0.76mm^2$ 65nm CMOS Pipeline ADC for HDTV Applications (HDTV 응용을 위한 10비트 200MS/s 75.6mW $0.76mm^2$ 65nm CMOS 파이프라인 A/D 변환기)

  • Park, Beom-Soo;Kim, Young-Ju;Park, Seung-Jae;Lee, Seung-Hoon
    • Journal of the Institute of Electronics Engineers of Korea SD
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.60-68
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    • 2009
  • This work proposes a 10b 200MS/s 65nm CMOS ADC for high-definition video systems such as HDTV requiring high resolution and fast operating speed simultaneously. The proposed ADC employs a four-step pipeline architecture to minimize power consumption and chip area. The input SHA based on four capacitors reduces the output signal range from $1.4V_{p-p}$ to $1.0V_{p-p}$ considering high input signal levels at a low supply voltage of 1.2V. The proposed three-stage amplifiers in the input SHA and MDAC1 overcome the low output resistance problem as commonly observed in a 65nm CMOS process. The proposed multipath frequency-compensation technique enables the conventional RNMC based three-stage amplifiers to achieve a stable operation at a high sampling rate of 200MS/s. The conventional switched-bias power-reduction technique in the sub-ranging flash ADCs further reduces power consumption while the reference generator integrated on chip with optional off-chip reference voltages allows versatile system a locations. The prototype ADC in a 65nm CMOS technology demonstrates a measured DNL and INL within 0.19LSB and 0.61LSB, respectively. The ADC shows a maximum SNDR of 54.BdB and 52.4dB and a maximum SFDR of 72.9dB and 64.8dB at 150MS/S and 200MS/s, respectively. The proposed ADC occupies an active die area of $0.76mm^2$ and consumes 75.6mW at a 1.2V supply voltage.

The Effect of Service Failure on the Desire for Betrayal and Retaliatory Behavior - Based on the Moderating Role of the Customer-Service Firm Relationship Quality (서비스 실패요인이 보복행위에 미치는 영향과 관계품질의 조절효과)

  • Kim, Mo Ran;Ahn, Kwang Ho
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.99-130
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    • 2012
  • Service failure and a poor service recovery may lead loyal customers to try to aggressively punish the service firm. We use perceived betrayal and desire for vengeance as the key constructs to understand customer retaliation. Perceived betrayal is defined as a customer's belief that a firm has intentionally violated what is normative in the context of their relationship. And the desire for vengeance is defined as the retaliatory feelings that consumers feel toward a firm, such as the desire to exert harm on the firm. The perceived betrayal and the desire for vengeance are key antecedents of retaliatory behaviors such as vindictive complaining, negative WOM and third-party complaining for publicity. The empirical results suggest that betrayal is a key motivational factor that lead customers to restore fairness by making use of all means, including retaliation. We also find that relationship quality has effect on a customer's response to a failure in service recovery. As the levels of relationship increases, a violation of the proper fairness has a stronger effect on the sense of betrayal experienced by customers. Considerable research has investigated consumer responses to dissatisfaction. But our study examine the response of outraged and highly frustrated consumers. We focus on emotional and behavioral processes that have not been covered by previous dissatisfaction researches and which are unique to outraged consumers caused by extremely dissatisfied purchase experience. It has recently been pointed out by various mass media that the customers not only have positive effects on the company performance but also put the company in crisis. It has often been reported that one customer's dissatisfaction, for example, never ends as it is, and it tends to grow for retaliating upon the company, depending on the level of seriousness of the dissatisfaction. This sometimes leads to a lawsuit against the company. Our study focuses on the customers' emotional and behavioral responses induced by their extreme dissatisfactions. We divided the customer groups into the customers with high relationship quality and the customers with low relationship quality, and the difference between two groups is examined. The objective of this study is to comprehend the causal relationship between the feeling of betrayal caused by the service failure and the retaliatory behavior triggered by the desire of revenge. Our study is divided into three parts. First, a causal relationship between perceived unfairness and the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge. Second, the effect of the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge on the retaliatory behavior is investigated. Finally, the moderating role of relationship quality in the causal relationship between the unfairness in service recovery and the perceived betrayal is analyzed. This study finds the following empirical results. The distributive unfairness, procedural unfairness and interactional unfairness had significant effects on the perceived betrayal. Especially, the perceived distributive unfairness results in the highest perceived betrayal. When the service company does not provide customers proper and sufficient compensation for the failure, they feel the strong sense of betrayal. And in the causal relationship between the perceived betrayal, desire for revenge and retaliatory behavior, the perceived betrayal has significant effects on e desire for revenge. In addition desire for revenge has significant effects on negative word of mouth, retaliatory complaining behavior and publicity of complaints through third group. Therefore the perceived unfairness has effects on retaliatory behavior through the mediation of the perceived betrayal and desire for revenge. Finally the moderating role of relationship quality was examined in the relationship between the unfairness and perceived betrayal. If the customers experienced the perceived unfairness in the process of service recovery, the customers with high relationship quality feel the stronger perceived betrayal than the customers with low relationship quality do. When they experience the double service failure, the customer group with high relationship quality accumulating the sense of trust feel the more perceived betrayal than the customer with low relationship quality who do not have strong trust. The contribution of this study is to find the effect of the service failure on the retaliatory behavior with the moderating roles of relationship quality. The dimensions of unfairness in service recovery is found to have differential effects on the perceived betrayal, desire for revenge. And these differential effect is moderated by the level of relationship quality.

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Evaluation of a colloid gel(Slime) as a body compensator for radiotherapy (Colloid gel(Slime)의 방사선 치료 시 표면 보상체로서의 유용성 평가)

  • Lee, Hun Hee;Kim, Chan Kyu;Song, Kwan Soo;Bang, Mun Kyun;Kang, Dong Yun;Sin, Dong Ho;Lee, Du Heon
    • The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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    • v.30 no.1_2
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    • pp.191-199
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    • 2018
  • Purpose : In this study, we evaluated the usefulness of colloid gel(slime) as a compensator for irregular patient surfaces in radiation therapy. Materials and Methods : For this study, colloid gel suitable for treatment was made and four experiments were conducted to evaluate the applicability of radiation therapy. Trilogy(Varian) and CT(SOMATOM, Siemens) were used as treatment equipment and CT equipment. First, the homogeneity according to the composition of colloid gel was measured using EBT3 Film(RIT). Second, the Hounsfield Unit(HU) value of colloid gel was measured and confirmed by CRIS phantom, Eclipse RTP(Eclipse 13.1, Varian) and CT. Third, to measure the deformation and degeneration of colloid gel during the treatment period, it was measured 3 times daily for 2 weeks using an ion chamber(PTW-30013, PTW). The fourth experiment was compared the treatment plan and measured dose distributions using bolus, rice, colloid gel and additional, dose profiles in an environment similar to actual treatment using our own acrylic phantom. Result : First experiment, density of the colloid gel cases 1, 2 and 3 was $1.02g/cm^3$, $0.99g/cm^3$ and $0.96g/cm^3$. When the homogeneity was measured at 6 MV and 9 MeV, case 1 was more homogeneous than the other cases, as 1.55 and 1.98. In the second experiment, the HU values of case 1, 2, 3 were 15 and when the treatment plan was compared with the measured doses, the difference was within 1 % at all 9, 12 MeV and a difference of -1.53 % and -1.56 % within the whole 2 % at 6 MV. In the third experiment, the dose change of colloid gel was measured to be about 1 % for 2 weeks. In the fourth experiment, the dose difference between the treatment plan and EBT3 film was similar for both colloid gel and bolus, rice at 6 MV. But colloid gel showed less dose difference than bolus and rice at 9 MeV. Also, dose profile of colloid gel showed a more uniform dose distribution than the bolus and rice. Conclusion : In this study, the density of colloid gel prepared for radiation therapy was $1.02g/cm^3$ similar to the density of water, and alteration or deformation was not observed during the radiotherapy process. Although we pay attention to the density when manufacturing colloid gel, it is sufficient in that it can deliver the dose uniformly through the compensation of the patient's body surface more than the bolus and rice, and can be manufactured at low cost. Further studies and studies for clinical applications are expected to be applicable to radiation therapy.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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