• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.103-116
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to investigate the revision of the western-styled court costume in the Daehan Empire. For this purpose, 1) historical documents were reviewed, 2) one set of the court costume of Chigimgwan and another set of the court costume of Juimgwan were probed, 3) the photos of people wearing court costume were analyzed. The results of this study are as follows. First, the $14^{th}$ Imperial order of "official costume statute" had been revised in 1904, 1905 and 1907 through official gazettes. The last version of official costume statute enacted the more detail than the first rule. Second, the $15^{th}$ Imperial order of "official costume rules" had been revised in 1904, 1905, and transformed into official costume rules reform on $12^{th}$ Dec., 1906. The revision in 1905 made gold embroidery of court costume more simple than the first rule. The form of court costume was totally revised by change of the shape of adjusting on the top in the revised rule of 1906. Third, the revision in 1905 was actually manufactured and worn by the people because it can be confirmed in the relics of the court costume of $2^{nd}$ Chigimgwan in Yonsei University Museum, and the court costume of juimgwan in Kwangju Municipal Folk Museum. The relics made by the revision in 1906 had not been reported until now, but they can be confirmed in the photos left. Fourth, the sovereignity of the Daehan Empire was actually lost by $22^{th}$ Imperial family order which urged the servant having the title of nobility of Japan to wear the court costume of Japan. Therefore, the endeavor of the Daehan Empire which wanted to establish and develop the costume system of modern independent nation was discontinued.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.233-252
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• 2021

The Gwan ceremony (冠禮) is a coming-of-age ceremony that takes place through traditional Gwan (冠: the hat) and clothes in the traditional era. The rite is performed by wearing hats and clothes three consecutive times (三加禮). It was an important rite which meant that underage children were formally recognized as members of society. This study examined costumes of people who participated in various coming-of-age ceremony rites in the Ming dynasty imperial court of China. For the research data, this study mainly used authentic chronicles (正史), codes of law and books on Ming dynasty rituals. This study examined the costumes used in the coming-of-age ceremony for the emperor, Prince Imperial, Emperor's eldest grandson, and emperor's sons. The results of this study were divided into an analysis of the document structure, institutional changes by time, characteristics of costumes, and characteristics of the rite. Of particular note in their ceremony, the emperor is presupposed to be a 'human already full-equipped with virtue', which means that the costume is worn only once. It is a case in which the emperor's absolute identity is revealed through the rite and costume.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.11-27
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• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.186-195
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• 2011

Historically, Korea has made and weaved beautiful jewelry based on delicate metal craft technique. Especially jewelries in Chosun dynasty among these jewelry shows practicality, fanciness and social symbolism at the same time, which is one of representative cultural origins to express characteristics of Korean culture. Since jewelry of imperial princess YEONG, an object of a study herein, was made for a court ceremony although it is an artifact of the end of Chosun dynasty after the time of enlightenment, it is expected be made based on traditional shape and standard in accordance with strictly respected court dress code in Chosun dynasty. It is also an important data of research for a court style and system as well as its artistry in its diversity of type, preservation condition similar to original form and its producers who are master craftsman parted in Sang-Uiwon (an institute in charge of dress and accessaries of court) at the end of dynasty. Thus, a study herein aims to research formatively valuable 11 selected jewelries among jewelries of imperial princess YEONG used at the end of Chosun dynasty, and search for industrial application method with digitalization of the shape and design and preservation of original form of traditional culture. Moreover, in accordance with proposing design data through review of traditional women jewelry, it aims to suggest possibility of application into modern jewelry design and cultural industry.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.223-277
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• 2019

Based on the text reference from the Variety Theatre compiled and performed by the Jiaofang of the Ming Dynasty Palace, the characteristics of Zhongkui performance in the New Year Ceremony was analyzed focusing on the differentiation and diachronic change in aspect between court dance and civilian. In China's folk beliefs, 'Zhongkui' is regarded as a representative spirit of fighting against evil spirits. Relevant rituals and performing arts have been held mainly on New Year's Eve or the Dragon Boat Festival. Although extensive research has been conducted in various fields, the situation of Zhongkui performance was largely unnoticed, only generally addressed in China, even with the given fact that the Ming Dynasty's text reference of miscellaneous court dance was exclusively retained, Therefore, the analysis intends to propose Zhongkui performances of Calendaric Rituals in the aspect of its elements and differentiate the play handed down among people as a specific example. Through the text analysis of miscellaneous court dance, 'Imperial examination' and religious belief was regulated usuriously by a so-called edification expressed as imperial reign ideology extracted to an implementation situation, revealing that this court dance was characterized by a variety of performances including the 'Zhongkui'. The results of the following study intends to provide a positive foundation for not only the field of Chinese studies but also the field of Korean literature, theatre, dance, folklore, religion, anthropology and art.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.113-124
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to search into the relation between the chinese seclusion culture and the gentleman's gardens by means of the historical and aesthetic approach. The periodic limits of this study is from pre-Qin to Tand. For gentleman's gardens in Tang dynasty at once got out of the noble's gardens which had imitated the imperial gardens until Tang, and became the origin of the gardens of the literati appearing in post-Tang dynasty. The major findings are as follows : First, in pre-Qin period, the origin of the seclusion culture is classified as the metaphysical seclusion of Taoism and the physical seclusion of Confucianism. Although Pu, Yuan, and Uou which could be said the first step of the chinese gardens were inquired, the clear relation between the seclusion and them is not found. Second, during Qin-Han dynasty, the role of the gardens, as the settings of the seclusion, are comparatively minor, too. But uan Kuang-Han's garden considerably escaped from that of pre-Qin in the aspect of function, and it has the characteristics of recreation. Third, during Wei-Chin and Liu dynasty, two types of the seclusions emerged. One is the small seclusion, and the other the Great Seclusion. Though, as formerly, the contemporary gardens did not escaped from the imperial gardens, Shi Chong's garden can be the setting of the Court Seclusion. But the seven Righteous in Bamboos' and Tao Yuan-Ming's settings of the seclusion were real natural environments rather than gardens. Forth, in Tang dynasty, in spite of relatively low status, Bai Ju-Yi's theory of the middle Seclusion enabled gentlemen to make seclusion in sinecures unlike the court Seclusion. The theoretical background of the Middle Seclusion was Zen Buddhism and the State Examinations System and Bai Ju-Yi's private social position also had an important effect on it. In Tang dynasty, there being nobiliary gentleman's gardens, Bai Ju-Yi's garden, Lushan Caotangyuan, was the setting of the Middle Seclusion. It can be called a real gentleman's garden, for it is simple and small unlike the imperial gardens or the nobiliary gentleman's gardens.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.176-199
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• 2020

In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.31
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• pp.47-60
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• 1997

As we analyzed the formalities of court dress during King Soonjo's rule through the characters depicted in $\boxDr$Wangseja Chulgungdo$\boxUl$(The Painting for a Crown Prince's Outgoing for Schooling to Sungkyunkwan) the results were as follows: People wore their appropriate full dress ac-cording to the ceremonial procedures. In the case of a Crown Prince normally the wore Gongjungchaek(a hat) (after the coming-of-age ceremony Iksunkwan) and Gonryongpo(imperial clothes) to show his status as a Crown Prince. He wore chugkumbok(a Coat) to indicate a Crown Prince as being a student. on an occasion of celebration a Crown Prince wore Wonyugwan and Gangsapo to provide him with prestige and as a sign of respect for the occasion. The teacher of a Crown Prince also wore Gongbok and Sangbok accoding to the dress requirements of the ceremonies. We can confirm that the Gongbok system of all government officials had been main-tained in the late Chosun dynasty. We know that the form of ceremonies be-came simplified in the late Chosun dynasty. it was recorded that students had to wear Chungkumbok. but we knew from the painting that students actually wore Dopo(a traditonal korean coat). We knew through this painting that the court dress rules of the late Chosun dynasty varied that previously known. As we concluded above research on the his-tory of costume by analyzing paintings both supplements our knowledge of the topic and confirms the deficiency in the study of the his-tory of costume based solely upon literature and books.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1-42
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• 2011

In terms of seaborne contacts of Vietnamese court with foreign countries had two directions in the 19th century. One was with Island Southeast Asian ports such as Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Batavia, and Manila. The other direction was to Canton. The Canton contact of Vietnam again can be interpreted as one of the two directions of Vietnamese contact with China. The inland route far to Beijing was based on the political and diplomatic consideration, while the closer route to Canton by the court vessels was more for the economic consideration as the case for the contact with the Island Southeast Asia. In this article, author discusses three issues to illuminate the nature of the trips of the court vessels of the Nguyễn dynasty to Canton. First is to clarify detail itinerary of the trip from the Thuận An Estuary to the City of Canton via Đà Nãng and Hanan. Unlike to the Western ships that visited Canton but anchored at the Huang Fu, Vietnamese square-rigged/copper-bottomed ships sailed up the Pearl river to the Guangzhou city front to stay for four or five months before they returned to Vietnam. In the second chapter, various kinds of observation of the Vietnamese officials are discussed. If the objects of the observation are divided into two categories, one is the world Westerners in Canton, and the other is the world of Chinese. In a same place, Canton, the Vietnamese officials could have enough chance to compare the two worlds clearly. An important consequence for the Vietnamese officials was to conclude that the mechanical technology of the Westerners was better than that of Chinese. This kind of conclusion led the Vietnamese court to send court personnels to learn Western technologies and languages in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia and to enlarge contacts with them. In the last chapter, author tries to find out the items that the Vietnamese mission purchased in Canton in exchange to the Vietnamese products. The items that the Vietnamese mission purchased included ceramics, silk, books, and medicines. With the support of the Chinese settlers in Vietnam the mission was able to be involved in the deal of illegal items such as opium, and possibly some kinds of precious ginseng from Korea. Overall, the process of the itinerary, observation, and purchase during the trip to Canton was the way to form the new point of view of Vietnamese intellectuals towards China standing from the side of Westerners. To the Vietnamese who experienced both Canton/Macao and the Western worlds in the port cities of Island Southeast Asia China was not the only center of the world, nor the Westerners could be looked down as the barbarians. In Canton, a peripheral region looked from the imperial capital Beijing, but the most internationalized city of China at that time, Vietnamese officials were training themselves to overcome China.