• Title/Summary/Keyword: History of Archaeology

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A study on the Construction and the Transition of Daebodan in the Late Josun Dynasty (조선후기 창덕궁 대보단의 조성과 변천에 관한 연구)

  • LEE Yeonro
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.96-116
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    • 2022
  • The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

A Study on the Copy of Tripitaka Koreana at Otani University in Kyoto, Japan (일본 오타니대학(大谷大學) 소장 고려대장경 인경본 연구)

  • Jeong, Eunwoo;Shin, Eunjae
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.38-55
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    • 2019
  • At Otani University in Kyoto, Japan, there is a rubbed copy of Tripitaka Koreana, presumably printed in 1381. According to the postscript of the copy, written by Saek Lee himself, the rubbed copy was made at Haeinsa temple in 1381 and was kept at Sinluksa temple in Yeuju. The copy was delivered as a gift to Japan in 1414 and now is kept at the Library of Otani University. Although an approximate summary of the content of the copy was reported in the early 2000s after a basic survey, details of the copy, including the concrete format and packaging paper, are not known yet. In this paper a detailed survey of the copy is conducted on the 109 pages. The copy is divided into two parts: the wrapping and the inner pages. The wrapping paper is divided into yellow and brown colors depending on the material of the paper. The yellow colorwrapping paper was possibly made in 1381 at the time of the rubbed printing, and the brown wrapping paper was repaired after being moved to Japan. Using funds collected in February 1380, the copy of Gyeong(經), Yul(律), and Ron(論) chapters was printed in April 1381. Binding of the copy was completed in September, and the wrapping paper with the title in gold was made in October 1380. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was manufactured in November 1380. The copy was moved to Sinluksa temple in April 1382 and delivered to Japan in 1414. At Otani University, the copy is stored in separate rectangular boxes 32.1×25.3cm in size with a height of 23.6cm. The rectangular plate on the four sides is red in external color but black colorinside. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was probably made in 1381, but a partial repair was made later. Because of the difficulty of executing a detailed survey of the box for Buddhist scriptures, it is hard to find out its nation and period of production. We look forward to studying the copy as well as the box for Buddhist scriptures in future.

Characteristics and Significance of the Huirang Daesa Sculpture at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon (합천(陜川) 해인사(海印寺) 희랑대사상(希朗大師像)의 특징과 제작 의미)

  • Jeong, Eunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.54-77
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    • 2020
  • Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

A reevaluation of the castles and palaces of Goryeo Gangdo (江都) using GIS (고려 강도(江都)의 성곽과 궁궐 재고찰)

  • KANG, Dongseok
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.4
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    • pp.174-191
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    • 2021
  • Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

Lee Ungno (1904-1989)'s Theory of Painting and Art Informel Perception in the 1950s (이응노(1904~1989)의 회화론과 1950년대 앵포르멜 미술에 대한 인식)

  • Lee, Janghoon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.172-195
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    • 2019
  • Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

Study on the Development and Properties of Ceramics Restoration Purpose Urethane resin with Excellent Reversibility (가역성이 우수한 도자기 복원용 Urethane resin의 개발 및 물성에 대한 연구)

  • Oh, Seung Jun;Park, Gi Jung;Wi, Koang Chul
    • Journal of Conservation Science
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.37-46
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    • 2015
  • In the case of adhesives & restoration agents currently being used for the preservation treatment of ceramics and earthenware, epoxy type, cellulose type and cellulose type are mainly being used. However, they are showing various problems such as re-detachment from severe contraction, color change from yellowing, work inconvenience of staining on tools and hand during usage and irreversibility. For the purpose of solving the issues of yellowing and irreversibility of epoxy resin being used to restore ceramics, urethane synthetic resin with low yellowing excellent reversibility has been developed in this study. The adhesive strength of urethane resin that has been developed has excellent properties with 2.07MPa for undiluted solution, which is 1.5 times higher than that of existing material EPO-$TEK301^{(R)}$ 1.21MPa. The result of workability measurement showed that the wear rate of urethane resin (in Talc 50wt%) was 1.09%, which was somewhat higher than that of existing material Quick $Wood^{(R)}$ (1.02%). In addition, its wear rate is two times higher than that of $EPO-TEK301^{(R)}$ (0.41%) and $L30^{(R)}$ (0.39%), thereby showing an advantage in its forming process compared to existing materials. As for the advantage of urethane resin of reversibility experiment, 12 hours after acetone, ethyl alcohol deposition, urethane resin and filler talc were dissolved 100% while showing powdering phenomenon. Compared to 0% reversibility of existing epoxy resin, it has much superior reversibility. The result of UV rays experiment to evaluate its durability showed that ${\Delta}E^*ab$ color change value based on undiluted solution of urethane resin was 2.76 before & after UV rays exposure, which was a decrease by about 7-20 times compared to that of existing resin, thereby minimizing the issue of heterogeneity.

A Study of the Bracelets Excavated from Fifth-and Sixth-century Silla Kingdom Tombs: Physical Characteristics and Wearing Practices (신라 5~6세기 무덤 출토 팔찌에 대한 연구 -물리적·형태적 특성 및 착장 양상을 중심으로)

  • Yoon Sangdeok
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.174-197
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    • 2024
  • Personal ornaments made from precious metals that have been excavated from tombs dating to the Maripgan period (4th-6th century) of the Silla Kingdom are a major subject of analysis in the study of gender and hierarchy among the tomb occupants. Nonetheless, bracelets had been neglected until Ha Daeryong's recent research on determining gender through bracelets attracted attention. Accordingly, an examination and organization of the fundamental elements of Silla bracelets was needed. In response, this paper examines their physical characteristics, appearance, changes over time, and related wearing practices. The data for this study is derived from 176 bracelets, mostly made from silver or gold. Copper and glass bracelets are also included. Many of them were cast in a single-use earthen mold. Even the notched and protruding designs were created by casting rather than carving. Glass bracelets and bracelets with dragon designs were made using molds with round cavities. Excluding those produced using metal sheets, the rest of the bracelets are thought to have been cast in a mold with a long-string-shaped cavity and then bent round. After being bent, the two ends were either soldered together (closed type) or left open (open type). As demonstrated in the study by Lee Hansang, Silla bracelets evolved from plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets, such as the one excavated from the Northern Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, to versions with notched designs, and eventually to those with protruding designs, which gained popularity by the sixth century. The precedents of plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets are presumed to have been thin rod-shaped bracelets from the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. Bracelets need to be fit to the wrists so that they do not slip off easily when worn. The open type design was the preferable way to achieve this. Moreover, given the ductility of gold, silver, and copper, it seems that it would have been possible to stretch or deform them. In the end, I concluded that even if a bracelet is too small to pass man's hand, the open type could have been worn. Furthermore, if a closed-type bracelet were pressed into an oval shape, it would not be impossible for a man to put it on. When bracelets are divided according to their degree of deformability into type A (the open type) through type D, which is almost impossible to deform, type A is commonly found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, and types C and D (which are difficult to deform) are not found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, but only with wearers of thick hollow earrings. Therefore, it can be seen that men were allowed to wear bracelets, and the existing studies that differentiate between men and women based on the wearing of thin hollow earrings, thick hollow earrings, and swords remain valid.

Green-blue Coloured Cu-Zn Hydrated Sulfate Minerals from Gukjeon Mine in Miryang (밀양 국전광산의 녹-청색 구리-아연 수화황산염 광물)

  • Koo, Hyo Jin;Jang, Jeong Kyu;Do, Jin Young;Jeong, Gi Young;Cho, Hyen Goo
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.51 no.6
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    • pp.473-483
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    • 2018
  • Green-blue coloured supergene minerals are covering host rocks along the gallery wall in the Gukjeon mine, a lead - zinc skarn deposit located in Miryang, Gyeongsangnam-do. These minerals have been described as azurite or malachite, but recent study recognized that the green minerals are devilline and blue minerals are Cu-Zn hydrated sulfates, but exact identification and detailed mineral characteristics are also not well known. In this study, we divide green-blue minerals into five groups (GJG) according to their external features and conducted XRD and SEM analyzes in order to identify mineral name and clarify the mineralogical characteristics. GJG-1, a bright bluish green group, consists of brochantite and quartz and GJG-2, a pale green colour with easily crumbly, of schulenbergite and a small amount of gypsum. Although pale blue GJG-3 and glassy lustrous bluish green GJG-4 have the same mineral assemblages with serpierite and gypsum in spite of different colour and luster, gypsum content may control the physical properties. GJG-5 with a gel phase mixture of pale blue and dark blue mineral is comprised of hydrowoodwardite, glaucocerinite, bechererite, serpierite and gypsum. The six green-blue minerals from the Gukjeon mine could be classified by Cu:Zn ratio, (Si + Al) content, Si:Al ratio, and Ca content. The physico-chemical environment of mineral formation is considered to be controlled by the geochemical factors in the surrounding fluid, and it looks forward that the accurate formation environment will be revealed through additional research. This paper gives greater mineralogical significance in the first report of several hydrated sulfate such as serpierite, glaucocerinite and bechererite in Korea. It has also rarely been reported the occurrence of several Cu-Zn hydrated sulfate in the same deposit in the world.

An Archaeological Review of the Inscribed Bricks Excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui: A Focus on the Collection of the National Museum of Korea (장무이묘 출토 명문전(銘文塼)의 고고학적 검토 -국립중앙박물관 소장품을 중심으로)

  • Lee Nakyung
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.36-73
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    • 2024
  • The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

The Relics of Wae Lineage and the Keyhole-Shaped Mounds in the Honam Area (호남지역(湖南地域)의 왜계자료(倭系資料)와 전방후원형고분(前方後圓形古墳))

  • Tsuchida, Junko
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.2
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    • pp.170-203
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    • 2018
  • From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.