• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.1211-1234
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• 2010

Mule Bone (1931), Zora Neale Hurston's collaboration with Langston Hughes, has been credited as the 'first' attempted by African Americans to create black folk comedy. The proposed research is driven from a question to the recent scholarship's tacit consent on such historic importance imposed on the play. This paper suggests a possibility that De Turkey and De Law (1930), Hurston's edition of the collaboration work, could be the truly first attempt in the tradition of American black folk comedy. By illuminating a series of historical moments in which Hurston first expressed her dream for writing a real black folk comedy that would be a really new departure in the African American drama, then collaborated with Hughes on the dream play project, and eventually quit the collaborationship due to artistic dispute with Hughes, this paper explains why Hughes edition Mule Bone came to remain 'unfinished' and, more importantly, fall short of Hurston's original goal and expectation from the collaboration. On the other hand, this paper sheds light on the significance of often-ignored Hurston's edition De Turkey and De Law by demonstrating how this play, compared to Mule Bone, fulfills her original idea of black folk comedy in terms of contents and themes compared with Mule Bone. Adding to the knowledge about little known behind story related to the Mule Bone controversy and the subsequent birth of the two different editions of the Hurston-Hushes collaboration project, supplementing the dearth of the related research with a critical comparison of the two editions, and discussing the validity of Hurston's edition as the real sense of black folk comedy, this paper argues for the necessity of reconsidering the origin of the mentioned genre. This paper finally concludes that De Turkey and De Law, replacing Mule Bone, deserves a right to be truly the first American black folk comedy genre in the sense that it was completed and copyrighted three months earlier than Mule Bone and that, more importantly, it cherished the original aim and artistic vision of black folk comedy Hurston first planned and expected through the collaboration with Hughes.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.517-538
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• 2009

This study explores the possibility of finding intersections of commonness and differences between Mahasweta Devi's short stories, "The Hunt" and "Douloti the Bountiful" and Angela Carter's "Flesh and the Mirror" and "Master" in Fireworks. At appearance, Carter as a writer of Great Britains and Devi as a writer of India in postcolonial period do not seem to share any commonness. This study, however, tried to find "common differences," to quote Chandra Mohanty's terminology, as a basis of solidarity possible between these two different feminist writers. Another concept appropriated in this process of comparing Carter and Devi is Gayatri Spivak's 'planetary comparative literature,' which contends the necessity of critical regional studies and the study of Asian Literature in the study of English literature. Devi and Carter, despite their historical, geopolitical and racial differences, share commonness in depicting Asian or colonized women not only as the oppressed others but also as the subjects who show potential for resistance and independence. Carter portrays Japanese women as the colonized and oppressed others of Japanese society, even though Japan did not have any colonial history. Devi finds in the postcolonial Indian women both the oppressed in the interstice of colonial/postcolonial/patriarchal Indian history and the potential for resistance. Despite some limitation in her understanding of Asia, Carter shows her insight to accept Asia as a true origin of her self-knowledge and performativity of her woman's role. Despite their differences, these two writers use Freud's 'unheimlich' from the feminist point of view, in general. Devi's depiction of the heroine's dead body at the end of the story implicates the possibility of resistance through women's 'uncanny' bodies. Carter converts Freudian and negative connotation of woman's body into positive and comfortable 'home' as a starting point of her self knowledge.

• Journal of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.201-212
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• 2023

The inscription of Cheonsang Yeolcha Bunyajido (天象列次分野之圖) has the sun's locations at the equinoxes, which must have been copied from the astronomical treatises in Chinese historical annals, Songshu (宋書) and Jinshu (晉書). According to the treatises, an astronomer Wang Fan (王蕃, 228-266 CE) referred those values from a calendrical system called Qianxiangli (乾象曆, 223 CE), from which it is confirmed that it adopted the sun's location at the winter solstice of the $(21{\frac{1}{4}})^{th}$ du of the 8th lunar lodge Dou (斗) as the reference direction for equatorial lodge angles. This indicates that the sun's locations at equinoxes and solstices in the calendrical system are the same as those in Jingchuli (景初曆, 237 CE). Hence, we propose that the sun's location at the autumnal equinox in Cheonsang Yeolcha Bunyajido should be corrected from 'wu du shao ruo' (五度少弱), meaning the $(5{\frac{1}{6}})^{th}$ du, to 'wu du ruo' (五度弱), meaning the $(4{\frac{11}{12}})^{th}$ du, of the first lunar lodge Jiao (角), as seen in Jingchuli. We reconstruct the polar coordinate system used in circular star charts, assuming that the mean motion rule was applied and its reference direction was the sun's location at the winter solstice. Considering the precession, we determined the observational epoch of the sun's location at the winter solstice to be t_o = -18.3 ± 43.0 adopting the observational error of the so-called archaic determinatives (古度). It is noteworthy that the sun's locations at equinoxes inscribed in Cheonsang Yeolcha Bunyajido originated from Houhan Sifenli (後漢 四分曆) of the Latter Han dynasty (85 CE), while the coordinate origin in the star chart is related to Taichuli (太初曆) of the Former Han dynasty (104 BCE).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.7
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• pp.195-218
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• 2000

This study investigates the characteristics of European knitted works from a historical perspective. Specifically, this study deals with the following research topics: 1) the origin and development of knitting. 2) the characteristics of knitting industry according to the change of times, 3) the comparison of local knitting patterns and cultures. 4) 7he symbolic meaning of the designs in the knitted works and theire functions. This research is barred on the survey of the relevant literature and photographs. The results of the study are summarized as follows. 1) The introduction of knitted works was closely connected with the climatic and socio-economic conditions of the places of the origin. Knitted work developed mostly in Northern Europe, a cold area, and the barren, mountainous coastal areas where people frequently used woolen materials for clothes. 2) In ancient times, abstract and geometric patterns have developed in Europe under the influence of Arabian knitted work. Middle Ages saw the flourishing of Arabian knitted works representing the authority of the church. In early modern times, the knitted work assumed the wealth of the royal families and the nobles. But afterward it was gradually Popularized among the middle classes. Knitting was then regarded as one of the women's major cultural activities. However, recently in the interwar periods. the knitting industry did not flourish and the knitted works came to serve merely as comfort goods by political urge. Knitted works were introduced in Korea around 1870 (the 7th or 8th year of king Kojong era) by Catholic missionaries and they started to be made by machine in 1917. 3) As for the propagation of the knitted work into Europe, there are three routes estimated. The traditional knitting patterns of local areas and their characteristics are summed up as follows : (1) England Guernseys are thick dark blue wool, whereas Jerseys are thinner and of various colors. The knitted shawls of Shetland are world-famous for their fine, lace-like texture that they can be through a wedding-ring. The knitted work of Fair Isle shows several distinctive features, such as the use of no more than two colors, patterns with diagonal lines. symmetry within the patterns, the prominent OXO patterns, and horizontal bands of patterning. The representative knitted work of Aran is Aran sweater made for fishermen to developed from guernseys of Scotland. (2) Scandinavian countries are distinguished from other countries by their conservative but creative cultural tradition. Their knitting patterns are characterized by small geometric figures such as dots, triangles, squares, rhombuses, and crosses used often with stars and roses. Scandinavian knitting is also salient for its vertical stripes and simple motifs repeating at short intervals. (3) Baltic area : The Latvian and Lithuania stockings have very ornate patterns. Many of the Estonian knit stockings and mittens share designs. Komi was well-known for its symmetric diamond pattern. Komi patterns include colored stripes, borders of pattern and all-over designs of complex diagonals. (4) Balkan area : In Yugoslavia, the patterns of roses, leaves and flowers were used for stockings, gloves and leggings. Greek knitting resembled southern Russian knitting, which utilized light colored patterns with dark colors for a background. Turkish patterns are symmetric vertically or horizontally. 4) The traditional knitting patterns net only carried symbolic meanings but also served as means of communication. First of all, patterns had incantatory meanings. Patterns also represented Power or authenticity Patterns were symbolic of one's social standing, too. The colors, motifs and their arrangements were very important features symbolizing one's social position or family line. People often communicated by certain pieces of knitted work or patterns.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.22
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• pp.91-111
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• 2010

Around the middle of the ninth century the strict bone-rank system of Silla frustrated many people who had political ambition but lacked nobility. They had to seek other ways, including maritime trade. Such an undertaking reflected and also increased their economic and military power. Trade prospered with T'ang China and with Japan as well. The threat of piracy to Silla's thriving maritime trade caused to create a succession of garrisons at important coastal points. Chonghae Jin (Chonghae garrison) was regarded as the most important of these. It was established in 828 by Chang Pogo. Chonghae Jin was on Wando, an island just east of the southwestern tip of Korea and a key place at this time in the trade between China, Korea, and Japan. From this vantage point Chang Pogo became a merchant-prince with extensive holdings and commercial interests in China and with trade contacts with Japan. Although piracy was rampant in East Asia at that time, either the Chinese or Silla government was not able to control it due to inner political strife and lack of policing resources. Infuriated by the piracy and the government's inability to control it, Chang Pogo came back to Silla to fight against the pirates and to protect maritime trade. He persuaded the king of Silla and was permitted to control the private armed forces to sweep away the pirates. In 829 he was appointed Commissioner of Chonghae-Jin with the mission of curbing piracy in that region. Chang's forces were created to protect people from pirates, but also developed into traders among Silla Korea, T'ang China, and Japan in the 9th century. This was geographically possible because the Chonghae Garrison was situated at the midpoint of Korea, China, and Japan, and also because Chang's naval forces actually dominated the East Asia Sea while patrolling sea-lanes. Based on these advantages, Chang Pogo made a great fortune, which might be collected from a charge for protecting people from pirates and the trades with China and Japan. Chang's forces could be termed the first private security company in the Korean history, at least in terms of historical documents. Based on historical documents, the numbers of private soldiers might be estimated to exceed tens of thousands at least, since Chang's forces alone were recorded to be more than ten thousand. Because local powers and aristocratic elites were said to have thousands of armed forces respectively, the extent of private forces was assumed to be vast, although they were available only to the privileged class. In short, the domination of Chang's forces was attributable to the decline of central government and its losing control over local powers. In addition it was not possible without advanced technologies in shipbuilding and navigation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.16-26
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• 2016

In this paper, we collected information on Palgyeong of the Gangneung area that were scattered around several literatures, and analyzed and interpreted regional distribution, elements of scenery and inherent meanings from various angles. we shed light on the origin and the meaning of Palgyeong, which have been passed down in the Gangneung area. Palgyeong of the Gangneung area have been accumulated and expanded for a long period of time, since Goryeo up to the modern times, and it does not simply reflect the beauty of natural scenery, but also reflect historical facts and sentiments rooted in this region. In addition, given the comprehensive veiw of Palgyeong of the Gangneung area and in consideration of its type and distribution of the eight sceneries the most common format is similar to Sosang(瀟湘類似型). What are repeatedly appearing among them include 'smoke from cooking supper' and 'catching fish', showing the living conditions of local residents of Gangneung at the time, which refers to the fact that Palgyeong consisted of village units. Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are distributed in diverse ranges between the city and Nujung. Most of Palgyeong are clustered in the east of Gangneung city and in the region tangent to Gangdong-myeon and Gujeong-myeon. When we consider the situation where most of Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are distributed in this region, it suggests that the region occupies the heart of scenery of Gangneung. Palgyeong of the Gangneung area consists of 60% natural factors, 36% humanity factors, and 4% other factors, where the natural factors hold the beauty of nature itself and the humanities and other factors hold the legends and history contained in the targets. The sceneries expressed by Palgyeong cannot be individually separated. Namedaecheon, Jukdobong, Sumseokcheon, Sumdulmaeul, Gunseongang, Pungho and Kyungpoho were connected to Nujung and Hongjamam, and they eventually became a panorama. Hansongjung, Hwanseondeung, Hansongsa, Pungho and Gunseongang are related to Hwarang of Silla and have become representative historical sceneries of the Gangneung area. Judging from the fact that currently non-existing sceneries such as Kyeonjodo, Hansongjung and Gulsansa remained in Palgyeong and been passed, Palgyeong have positioned imaginary spaces of the Gangneung people beyond simply expressing sceneries. In conclusion, Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are aesthetical objects and while at the same time, they are historical and cultural space, and furthermore, we can see that they still remain as imaginary spaces.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.61-94
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• 2018

This article examined that the historical changes and current significance of the Jaedam(재담) and the Xiangsheng(相聲), one of the traditional Korean and Chinese language games. Both Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng are representative language games and traditional performing arts for laughing. The origin of the Jaedam can be traced back to Uheui(우희). Uheui has been called Changyouxi in China, Bae Woo-hee, and Jo Hee in Korea. Uheui is the most traditional language game and a variety of performances were derived from its spreading and inheriting process. Among them, Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng can be said to be a piece of art that has successfully inherited Uheui tradition. From the late 18th century, Korean Jaedam were established as independent performance arts, and became highly active in many performance by professional joker Park Chun-jae and other performers. With the development of gramophone record in the early 20th century, the Jaedam was mainly made on the theater stage and radio. At this time, the new performance art of 'Mandam(만담)' was derived from the Jaedam, which focused more on satire current events and criticizing the social situation. Mandam has been popular for a long time and then extinct in the 21st century. The jaedam have been handed down only in the Korean traditional performance so far. Meanwhile, Chinese Xiangsheng, which was built in the mid-19th century, a bit later than Korean Jaedam, was initially considered to be a vulgar art of the lower class, but finally became popular in the early 20th century. In the mid-20th century, Xiangsheng was transformed into a new character, which mainly deals with social praise and edification of the masses. But since 'New Xiangsheng' does not focous on a satire on social conditions, the humor has been reduced. In the early 21st century, Xiangsheng was on the verge of extinction just like Mandam, but through the efforts of young actors to revive tradition, another reformation of this art was made to return to tradition and small theater. Currently, the 'traditional Xiangsheng', which has returned to tradition, is once again receiving the love and support of the Chinese audience. Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng have many similarities in terms of history and recruitment, but they are now in different fates. There is also a great deal in common ground in terms of the content and form of the two arts. In the case of Xiangsheng, it is one of the traditional folk art forms which is still loved by the Chinese people and has become one of the most important traditional performances. On the other hand, in Korea, Jaedam as independent performance arts has disappeared and now only can be seen in traditional performances such as 'Korean mask theater'. The fact that Korean Jaedam and Chinese Xiangsheng have undergone similar changes in their spreading and inheriting process, while Korean Jaedam have disappeared and Chinese Xiangsheng is well preserved. The reason can be confirmed through the main idea of this article.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.2
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• pp.39-70
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• 2020

In this paper, through the mutual interpretation and verification of the ancient Korean history books with different origin that have been suspected as false documents, it proves that they could be logically real records and reveal that the substance of the legendary 'medicine for anti-aging and longevity', which also had been mentioned in Chinese old books, is Korean ginseng. Furthermore, with reference to the modern Y chromosomal map of the migratory routes of mankind corresponding to these routes recorded in 「Budoji」, the core history book, the formation of the four ethnic constitution groups (Sasang Constitution) based on the life style of each human group has been estimated. And the cause of Korean ginseng with fever problem for Southeast Asians is their pharmacogenomic constitution problem by protopanaxatriol (PPT) type ginsenosides in ginseng. It was resolved with over production of protopanaxdiol (PPD) type ginsenosides against PPT type in Korean red ginseng as historical or scientific point of view. In addition, by explaining that the processing method to Korean red ginseng could increase red ginseng acidic polysaccharides (RGAP), the RGAP, PPD type ginsenosides, and arginine which is originally abundant in Korean ginseng could increase the expression of the 'heat shock proteins' as a kind of chaperone in the body, this paper presents the theory allowing the scientific interpretation of the efficacy of Korean red ginseng as an 'adaptogen' or 'medicine for anti-aging and longevity'. Lastly, through the consideration of the growing environment of American ginseng and Korean ginseng, the differences are presented.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.23 no.6 s.84
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• pp.91-102
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• 2005

When it comes to the process of information storage, people are likely to organize individual information into the forms of groups rather than independent attributes, and put them together in their brains. Likewise, in case of finding the shortest path, this study suggests that a Hierarchical Road Network(HRN) model should be selected to browse the most desirable route, since the HRN model takes the process mentioned above into account. Moreover, most of drivers make a decision to select a route from origin to destination by road hierarchy. It says that the drivers feel difference between the link travel tine which was measured by driving and the theoretical link travel time. There is a different solution which has predicted the link travel time to solve this problem. By using this solution, the link travel time is predicted based on link conditions from time to time. The predicated link travel time is used to search the shortest path. Stochastic Process model uses the historical patterns of travel time conditions on links. The HRN model has compared favorably with the conventional shortest path finding model in tern of calculated speeds. Even more, the result of the shortest path using the HRN model has more similar to the survey results which was conducted to the taxi drivers. Taxi drivers have a strong knowledge of road conditions on the road networks and they are more likely to select a shortest path according to the real common sense.