• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.77-108
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The term Podeok can cause some misunderstanding as the same word Deok (德 virtue) has long been used in the Eastern Tradition. In other words, for most people who are used to traditional thought, Podeok may be conflated with the similar word 'Deok (virtue)' as used within Confucianism. People who are familiar with Confucian culture might thereby misunderstand the term Podeok as an aspect of Confucian moral ethics, or they could misconstrue Daesoon Jinrihoe as having appropriated and misused Confucian ideas. Furthermore, there are other problems that could arise if people compare Daesoon Jinrihoe's 'Podeok' with 'Deok (virtue)' as used by Laozi. While Deok in Laozi's usage represents the ability of an individual who can exercise his or her rationality with excellence, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe indicates the idea of actualizing Mutual Beneficence and the conditions that enable Mutual Beneficence. If one understands Deok as used by Laozi to contain the meaning of Mutual Beneficence, then it is possible to think that the two tradition share a similar meaning of Deok as Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues Mutual Beneficence as its ultimate value. In order to preemptively correct these misunderstandings, I need to clarify how the idea of Deok was born out of traditional thought and what meanings it embodies. Additionally, it is necessary to examine how it became meaningful in Confucianism, and how it was criticized and ascribed new meanings in Laozi's thought. Through these clarification, it will become clear that Deok originally indicated a religious ritual that the king of the Zhou Dynasty performed after receiving the heavenly mandate and assuming rule over the nation. Later, this idea was transformed into a moral virtue and norm by Confucius. This moral virtue and norm was criticized by Laozi as an unnatural form of control as it was understood by Laozi as a teleological argument justifying whether or not lives were to be saved or sustained based on the perceived merits of each individual. On the contrary, Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe and traditional thought stand on a totally different theological bases. Deok in Daesoon Jinrihoe is a means to practice and realize the truth of the earthly paradise of the Later World and the truth of Mutual Beneficence which were posited to the world through Kang Jeungsan's Works of Haewon (grievance resolution) that resolved the pattern of mutual conflict that characterized the Former World. Therefore, the idea of Podeok in Daesoon Jinrihoe gains completion only on the premises of Haewon Sangsaeng (resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence) and Boeun Sangsaeng (reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence), and the way to practice Podeok is to practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng. In addition, the subordinate virtues such as loyalty, filial piety, and faithfulness that exist within Daesoon Jinrihoe's religious practice are not same as those of traditional thought. They are new concepts of virtues drawn from the cosmological laws of Daesoon Jinrihoe. To be specific, the virtues of Daesoon Jinrihoe are not rules that create discrimination and mutual conflict, but are instead ethical rules established upon the basis of Heaven and Earth having been newly organized, and thus, they will bring virtuous concordance, harmonious union, and mutual beneficence. The idea of 'Podeok' in Daesoon Jinrihoe can be understood as a religious practice that requires doctrinal understanding and tangible practice in daily life of followers. In other words, it is not the same Deok of earlier traditional thought in East Asia, but is instead a religious truth by which practitioners realize the truth of Sangje's Works of Haewon in human world as they practice Haewon Sangsaeng and Boeun Sangsaeng.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.199-235
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• 2018

Most of the new religions derived from Jeungsan have claimed that Jeungsan's religious thought reproduced Dangun [檀君] Thought in its original form. However, Daesoon Jinrihoe is the only religious order out of the many new religions within the Jeungsan lineage, which has constantly kept its distance from Dangun Thought since 1909 during the earliest period of proto-Daesoon Jinrihoe. Even a mere trace of Dangun cannot be found in the subject of faith or the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In this context, this study aims to examine possible connections between Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought in order to determine why other Jeungsanist religions frequently exhibit Dangunist features. Specifically, a major part of this study will be devoted to comparing and analyzing the narrative structure of Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought as well as their respective motifs. In fact, Jeungsan does not seem to have ever mentioned Dangun in his recorded teachings, therefore, after his passing into the Heaven, most of the religious orders including Daesoon Jinrihoe derived from him did not pay any attention to Dangun Thought for almost for 40 years. These orders did not originally perceive Dangun as an object of belief. After Korea's liberation, Dangun became widely accepted as a pivotal role among the Korean people. As Dangun-nationalism claimed to unify Koreans as one great Korean ethnic society, the religious orders of Jeungsan lineage also climbed aboard this creed and their faiths or doctrines were acculturated to reflect this change. The reason for this has been attributed to following modern trends to increase success in propagation. In the meantime, Daesoon Jinrihoe was the only order that did not accept Dangun-nationalism because it was not a teaching given by the order's founder. And the two systems of thought have more dissimilarity than parallelism in terms of philosophical ideology. These seem to be the main reasons why Daesoon Jinrihoe did not adopt Dangun into its doctrine or belief system.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.93-117
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• 2018

The process of creating Hunminjeongeum described in Haerye version of Hunminjeongeum shows a rule of signification by which a signifiant represents a referent. In this article, I will suggest two types, the mythical and the anti-mythical, that affect the iconic relation between signifiant and referent, and consider how they are realized in Hunminjeongeum. The mythical type is shown as Yin-Yang and the Five Elements Theory and Three Elements Theory of Heaven, Earth and Man dominating the thought of intellectuals at that time. It had became mythos, that is the object of absolute belief, by connecting with the power of King at that time. It is very metaphysical and involves a kind of grand narrative. It is also the voice from the past in time and from China in space. It is reflected in Hunminjeongeum's letter system intactly. Meanwhile, the anti-mythical type also affects the creation of Icon in Hunminjeongeum. Even if Hunminjeongeum had been created from King Sejong's project, its intention seemed to be educational and practical. That is the problem of that time, not of past time, and for common class, not for ruling class. It can be considered as logos in that it had been planned and processed at a real-life situation at that time. Some arguments between King Sejong and liege Choi, Manri about the validity of Hunminjeongeum also show that the creation of Hunminjeongeum had involved the problem of critical logos. Above all, in that referents of Icons of Hunminjeongeum are the figures of human vocal organs, we can suggest that these Icons also implied an Indexicality implying actual connection between voice and body. It can be considered as a deconstrucion of metaphysics and grand narrative that had been dominated by foresaid mythical type. Hereafter, from time when Hunminjeongeum have been widely used, mythos of metaphysics and grand narrative that had dominated Hunminjeongeum have been deconstructed and Hunminjeongeum has become to realize its potential competence of pragmatic sign system for the convenience of common people. Therefore, I expect that the cultural potentiality of Hangul today can be realized by such tendency of logos incessantly deconstructing mythos, that is one direction of mythosemiosis.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.36
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• pp.189-215
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• 2014

Since the launching of in 1963, a large amount of outstanding cartoons had been produced in China by the year 1980. During this period of time, international reputation was achieved with the extremely full expression and characteristic stories originated from Chinese culture. Decades of cartoons were produced ever year benefiting from support of the government in the last years. However, the quality and in fluence power dropped down comparing with the increasing productivity. The outward followed by examples of successful international box office most of the animation made in China. These cartoons did not obtain admitting internationally, or disclose any traditional speciality of China, although the domestic box office is considered to be fairly successful. The key factors to the successful cases should be analysed and researched rather than simply estimating, in order to achieve both artistic and commercial success. Factor of humor, as a key element of a successful cartoon is proposed in this thesis. Prior to the discussion, a general definition of humor factor is described through Henri Bergson's comedy concept, based on which the key factors of humor will be analysed. A classification system would be derived and introduced as a tool for the analysis of humor factors. According to Henri Bergson, Humor is determined by circumstance, language and character factors. Humor factors are divided into visual, scene and acoustic factors in this research taking the Speciality of cartoon media into consideration. It is the speciality that, in addition to the visual and language factors, multiple acoustic elements are also introduced in such a presentation pattern. This classification system would be considerably applicable to the analysis of humor factors in Chinese cartoons. In this study, around the year 2000 to share the Chinese animation masterpiece were analyzed by selecting and , and . This discussion about key factors of humor is likely to be beneficial to the development of Chinese Cartoons in the future.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2008

Perpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the perception of death between Korean and Chinese nursing students. And it will help develop curriculum for preparing death, the quality of hospice care, as well as nursing education and practice. Methods: Data was collected from 492 nursing students participated(248 Korean and 244 Chinese) by questionnaire designed for examining Death Orientation (Thorson & Powell, 1988). They were analyzed using Cronbach's Alpha coefficients, factor analysis, t-test, ANOVA and regression analysis (SPSS; win 12.0 version) Results: More than half of the Korean nursing students followed a religion (58.5%) while the majority of Chinese nursing students did not follow a religion (93.9%). In the view of the afterlife, nursing students in China had two views. 'I really don't know what happens after a person dies (30.3%)' and ‘There is no afterlife and death is the end (29.5%)’. On the other hand the Korean nursing students’ answer were, 'After dying, a person goes to heaven or hell (27.3%)' and 'I really don't know what happens after a person dies. (22.9%)' The study also found that the average of 25 items in Death Orientation is 2.36points of nursing students in Korea and 2.50points of nursing students in China. This means that the concern, anxiety and fear were of the middle level for the Chinese Students and were higher than Korean students (t=3.51, p=.000). In the low factor of death orientation, those in Korea had higher 'anxiety of burden to family' than those in China (t=-3.50, p=.001). The nursing students in China had higher 'anxiety of the unknown (t=4.96, p=.000)', 'fear of suffering (t=6.88, p=.000), 'fear of extinction body and life (t=5.20, p=.000), 'fear of lost self-control(t=2.12, p=.034)', and 'anxiety of future existence and nonexistence (t=2.33, p=.020)' than those in Korea. There was no statistically significant difference for the 'concern of body and fear of identity lost' category. The death orientation of Korean nursing students had statistically significant differences according to age (t=3.20, p=.002), religion (t=2.56, p=.011), and afterlife (F=4.64, p=.000). The contribution of Death Orientation had a statistically significant difference, the afterlife variable (0.735, p=0.001). The death orientation of Chinese nursing students did not have any statistically significant differences. Conclusion: In conclusion, there were differences in death orientation between Korean and Chinese nursing students. In particular, those who believed in afterlife showed acceptance of death. The results of this study suggest that nursing curricula should include education program on death and spiritual nursing. Additional studies are needed to establish death education in China with careful considerations on Chinese policies, cultures and social systems.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.103-137
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• 2022

In religious symbology, an emblem is a symbolic mark, which differentiates a religion from other groups. In addition, it holds a symbolic or conceptual character that enables viewers to recognize a certain religion. Daesoon Jinrihoe, a representative order among Korean religious traditions, also has a symbolic mark; however, it has not been designated with an official name as symbol despite its usage dating back to May 11, 1978. At the time, that mark has served as an emblem. Afterwards, the emblem was printed and has been officially used as a flag (unofficially known as the Dao Flag, the Fellowship Flag, etc.) since October 20th of that same year. The emblem of Daesoon Jinrihoe which is not only printed in the flag but has been utilized as a symbolic mark representing the order. Nevertheless, it is hard to find research related to this symbol. Consequently, this study aims to apprehend the existing materials about the flag's emblem and its meaning, as well as attempt to interpret its various implications. Indeed, this work will suggest another point of view about the emblem given that it embraces ambiguity. This research suggests that the emblem symbolically depicts the Daesoon (Great Itineration), Samwon (三圓, Three Circles), Sadae (四大, Four Dae), and the Center, and that, all together, this can imply more profound meanings than were expressed in previously posited explanations. As such, this study draws further significance from Daesoon Thought and find: first, the circle in the center of the emblem signifies the pivot of Daesoon; not just the earthly circle (地圓) or the human circle (人圓). This opens up the possibility that the circle symbolizes Mugeuk (Limitlessness) and Taegeuk (Great Ultimate), which include the pivot of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. Secondly, the symbol of soil (土) in the center is separated from the human circle and reveals the symbol of harmony and creation as the rod shape of Four Dae. Thirdly, the protuberances in the circle point to specific directions and this allows for additional layers of meaning.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.42
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• pp.45-73
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• 2022

The phenomenon of veneration for Queen Mother of the West [西王母 Chn: Xiwangmu Kr: Seowangmo] is a 'cultural flow' that has garnered great interest not only in China but also in Korea for many years. To properly understand the cultural trend regarding the Queen Mother of the West, it is essential to view the related mythology as it corresponds to East Asian women as well as the transformation of society's view of women. In addition to the outcomes that result from the establishment of a patriarchal society, the relationship between goddesses and gods gradually becomes a relationship of discrimination based upon differences. Accordingly, as women change into objects that are given meaning rather than subjects that give meaning, the de-sacredization of the goddess occurs. This paper focused on the changes in the perception of the Queen Mother of the West from the view of Yin-Yang theory. This approach shows a transition process of transforming wherein she has morphed into an assistant or spouse of a god as part of a trend that deemphasizes the divinity of her as a stand-alone goddess. Yin-Yang theory is the key to understanding culture, history, and art as well as Chinese philosophy. This key can be further applied to the theme of women in mythology. What is particularly noteworthy about the process by which the Queen Mother of the West was defined as a goddess is that she was original described as half-human and half-beast and yet by the time her depictions became fully human and fully woman, she was described instead as an absolute beauty endowed with great artistic talent. In this paper, it will be revealed that the perception of the Queen Mother of the West, as an absolute beauty and artistic talent, is embedded with the male societal desire for an image of the feminine as understood via Yin-Yang theory. Queen Mother of the West as she was depicted in the Classic of Mountains and Seas (山海經 Chn: Shanhaijing Kr: Sanhaegyeong) had a half-human half-beast form that instilled people with fear of disasters and punishments from heaven. However, in the Han Dynasty, her religious significance became that of an object to ward off evil and attain blessings. By the time of the novel, Tales of the Strange (志怪小說 Chn: Zhiguaixiaoshuo Kr: Jigoesoseol), from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, she was transformed into a goddess in the image of beautiful woman in charge longevity and immortality. From the perspective of Yin-Yang theory, the changes in the perception of Queen Mother of the West was found to contain the following meaning: as an extension of the establishment of a patriarchal system and subordinate laws, her new form was made to be pleasing to the male gaze and Yin-Yang theory was brought in to support those changes later.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.131-159
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• 2014

Corporate rebranding has been evident in the qualitative corporate rebranding studies as an imposed organizational change that induces mixed reactions and ambivalent attitudes among consumers. Corporate rebranding for the established and familiar corporate brands leads to more ambivalent attitudes as these companies represent larger targets for disparaging information. Consumers are found to hold both positive and negative reactions toward companies and brands that they are familiar with. Nevertheless, the imposed change assumption and ambivalent attitude, in particular corporate rebranding, have never been widely explored in the quantitative corporate rebranding studies. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive empirical examination of the ambivalence towards rebrandingrebranded brand attitude-purchase intention relationships. The author proposes that corporate rebranding for familiar corporate brands is a double-edged sword that not only raises the expectation for better performance, but also induces conflicted and ambivalent attitudes among consumers. These consumers' ambivalent attitudes are influenced by both the parent brands-related and general attitude factors which further affect their rebranded brand attitude and purchase intention. A total of 156 useable questionnaires were collected from Malaysian working adults; and two established Malaysian airfreight operators were utilized as the focal parent brands. The study found a significant impact of prior parent brand attitudes on ambivalence towards rebranding (ATR). The parent brand attitudes served as anchors in influencing how new information was processed (Mazaheri et al., 2011; Sherif & Hovland, 1961) and closely related to behavioral intention (Prislin & Quellete, 1996). The ambivalent attitudes experienced were higher when individuals held both positive and negative reactions toward the parent brands. Consumers also held higher ambivalent attitudes when they preferred one of the parent brands; while disliked the other brand. The study also found significant relationships between the lead brand and the rebranded brand attitude; and between the partner brands and ATR. The familiar but controversial partner brand contributed significantly to the ambivalent attitudes experienced; while the more established lead brand had significant impact on the rebranded brand attitude. The lead and partner brands, though both familiar, represented different meanings to consumers. The author attributed these results to the prior parent brand attitudes, the skepticism and their general ambivalence toward the corporate rebranding. Both general attitude factors (i.e. skepticism and general ambivalence towards rebranding) were found to have significant positive impacts on ATR. Skeptical individuals questioned the possibility of a successful rebranding (Chang, 2011) and were more careful with their evaluations toward 'too god to be true' or 'made in heaven' pair of companies. The embedded general ambivalent attitudes that people held toward rebranding could be triggered from the associative network by the ambiguous situation (Prislin & Quellete, 1996). In addition, the ambivalent rebranded brand attitude was found to lower down purchase intention, supporting Hanze (2001), Lavine (2001) and van Harreveld et al. (2009)'s studies. Ambivalent individuals were found to prefer delay decision making by choosing around the mid-ranged points in 'willingness to buy' scale. The study provides several marketing implications. Ambivalence management is proven to be important to corporate rebranding to minimize the ambivalent attitudes experienced. This could be done by carefully controlling the parent brands-related and general attitude factors. The high ambivalent individuals are less confident with their own conflicted attitudes and are motivated to get rid of the psychological discomfort caused by these conflicted attitudes (Bell & Esses, 2002; Lau-Gesk, 2005; van Harreveld et al., 2009). They tend to process information more deeply (Jonas et al., 1997; Maio et al., 2000; Wood et al., 1985) and pay more attention to message that provides convincible arguments. Providing strong, favorable and convincible message is hence effective in alleviating consumers' ambivalent attitudes. In addition, brand name heuristic could be utilized because the rebranding strategy sends important signal to consumers about the changes that happen or going to happen. The ambivalent individuals will pay attention to both brand name heuristic and rebranding message in their effort to alleviate the psychological discomfort caused by ambivalent attitudes. The findings also provide insights to Malaysian and airline operators for a better planning and implementation of corporate rebranding exercise.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.23
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• pp.241-292
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• 2014

This article as an attempt to analyze Jin-beop-joo(眞法呪, incantation of true law) and the view of Yang-wui Sangje(兩位上帝, Sangje in two Godship) corresponds to the second preliminary work prior to the research on the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. The points of this article are as follows: First, Jin-beop-joo and 15 Godship(神位) based hereupon are one of the most essential elements comprising the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe. Since the other Jeungsan line religious orders except Daesoonjinrihoe does not use 15 Godship in explaining and understanding Jeungsan, this fact should be regarded as an important characteristic of Daesoonjinrihoe. Second, 15 Godship is the important installation to assemble Sangje and the other gods in the same place. In Buddhism temples and China-Taoism temples, the gods each are placed in a separate palace. Whereas Sangje and the gods are concentrated in the same place, Yound-Dae(靈臺) which is the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe. This fact shows Sangje takes the reins to the gods visually. 15 Godship facilitates that system. Third, the number 15 of 15 Godship symbolizes the natural laws of the cosmos. Thus the shrine of Daesoonjinrihoe implies the law of universe emblematically. Forth, 15 Godship shows that the Highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe are located in the middle of the functional gods ruling over nature like mountain, sea, season, the Great Dipper, and Taoistic or Buddhistic gods like Ok-hwang Sangje(玉皇上帝, The Great Jade Emperor), Seoga-Yeorae(釋迦如來, Tathāgata Buddha), Kwan-seong-Jegoon(關聖帝君, Holy god Guan Yu), along with various envoys and ancestral gods. Besides, considering the fact that the majority of 15 Godship consists of the Eastern deities, it verifies the view of Sangje in Daesoonjinrihoe is built in the Eastern religions. Fifth, whereas the other Jeungsan line religious orders have a tendency of understanding Jeungsan as Ok-hwang Sangje, Daesoonjinrihoe worships Jeungsan as Gu-cheon Sangje(九天上帝), not as Ok-hwang Sangje. This accords with the following fact; Jeungsan is the highest ruling entity in Gu-cheon, whereas in Jinbeonju, which was handed down from Jeungsan, the highest ruling entitiy in Gu-cheon is expressed as a different being from Ok-hwang Sangje. Sixth, Daesoonjinrihoe understands Sangje as the form of two Godship, Yang-wui Sangje, which are Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje. Judging from the form of salutation, the status of these two Sangjes are the same. Yet, the object of belief is Gu-cheon Sangje as the highest God, while Ok-hwang Sangje is stipulated as the one who has wielded a true law succeeding to the Gu-cheon Sangje's will. The religious term of Yang-wui Sangje don't imply meaning Gu-cheon Sangje and Ok-hwang Sangje are the same rank. Yang-wui Sangje is the term expresses Sangje in two Godship and involves the orthodox heritage of Daesoonjinrihoe. Along with An Introduction to the Study of the Outlook on the Highest Ruling Entity in Daesoonjinrihoe (I), this article is written, while giving a thought to construct the religiography on the highest God in Daesoonjinrihoe. I hope this article accompanied with the previous one, can be contributed to the fertilization of the soil in the field of Daesoon religious studies.