• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.81
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• pp.5-44
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• 2024

This paper is an experience and observation report on the activities of Jeonju citizens, who are 'kleine leutes'. Text or Born-digital materials such as diaries, group chat rooms, memos, and interviews showing citizens' contemporary and daily history (Alltagsgeschichite) were used for this purpose. These civic groups are reading groups we can find easily and they also enjoy walking, hiking, and movies, and so to speak ordinary local people are their members. One team read Choi Myung-hee's "Honbul" for about a year and a half, while another team read several books under the theme of "commons," and enjoyed exploring, exhibiting, or watching movies together. The main text is composed of three parts. First, I looked at the methods and perspectives to examine the daily life of local people. To this end, the views of Detlev Peukert and Alf Lüdtke, who captured the prospects and the possibilities of theories of daily history, and James C. Scott, who provided insight into infra-politics, were reviewed. This work was to find the perspective and method of daily history research that could observe the activities of Jeonju citizens. Second, we looked at the experience of the "Honbool" meeting. The reading of "Honbool" which took place during the period of confrontation with Covid19 began in connection with its intense locality. As the criticism of "a great writer born in our local land" relieved the uncomfortable feelings, the members' critical mind was revealed after Volume3 of "Honbool" and stood out after Volume6. It seemed to show the characteristics of the self-consciousness (Eigensinn) of citizens who choose dynamics rather than being stuck to a specific form of empathy (Betroffenheit). I think it showed the difficulty and hope to face in the description and research of local history at the same time. Third, I observed citizens who gathered on the subject of public land. This meeting showed the actuality and accumulation process of the infra-political capabilities of citizens in Jeonju. Reading-commons did not suffer from 'heart trouble' as a local citizen compared to "Honbool". Rather, the difficulty of related books was an obstacle, and the difficulty was easily resolved. As the meeting progressed, awareness of the commons became more sophisticated and issues and discussions were independently shared with each other, and a wealth of hidden transcripts were accumulated through its practice and problem consciousness. It is difficult to think about modern daily life apart from the capitalist era. More fundamentally, it is here and now in everyday life that humans enjoy or suffer from. All history passes through my body here and now. This is the universality of daily history. It depends on the ability of citizens to create daily history to experience and at the same time maintain the distance of criticism.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-28
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• 1974

The writers have conducted the investigation to assess the nutritional status of young rural Korean children aged from 0 to 4 years old in August 1971. The survey areas were Kaejong-myon. Daeya-myon, Okku-gun, Jeonra-bukdo, Korea. These survey areas were typical agricultural plain areas. The total numbers of children examined were 2,706 comprising 1,394 male and 1,312 female. The weight, height, and chest circumference of children were measured and means and standard deviations. were calculated for each measurement. In addition, the nutritional status of each child was classified by the four levels of malnutrition and the Gomez classification, The examination of red blood cell count, haematocrit value, and intestinal parasite infection were carried out at the same time. In general, recent work tend to suggest that environmental influences, especially nutrition, are of great importance than genetic background or other biological factors for physical growth and development. Certainly the physical dimensions of the body are much influenced by nutrition, particularly in the rapidly growing period of early childhood. Selected body measurements can therefore give valuable information concerning protein-calory malnutrition. Growth can also be affected by bacterial, viral, and parasitic infection. For the field workers in a developing country, therefore, nutritional anthropometry appears to be of greatest value in the assessment of growth failure and undernutrition, principally from lack of protein and calories. In order to compare and evaluate the data obtained, the optimal data of growth from the off-spring of the true well-fed, medically and socially protected are needed. So-called 'Standards' that have been compiled for preschool children in Korea, however, are based on measurement of children from middle or lower socio-economic groups, who are, in fact, usually undernourished from six months of age onwards and continuously exposed to a succession of infective and parasitic diseases. So that, the Harvard Standards which is one of the international reference standards was used as the reference standards in this study. Findings of the survey were as follows: A. Anthropometric data: 1) Comparing the mean values for body weight obtained with the Korean standard weight of the same age, the rural Korean children were slightly haevier than the Korean standard values in both sexes. Comparing with the Japanese children values, the rural Korean children were slightly haevier in male and in the infant period of female but lighter in female of the period of 1 to 4 years old than Japanese children. 2) Comparing the mean values for height obtained with the Korean standard height of the same age, the rural Korean children were taller than the Korean standard values except the second half of infatn period in both sexes. Comparing with the Japanese children, the rural Korean children were slightly smaller than Japanese children except the first half of infant peroid in both sexes. 3) Mear values of chest circumference of rural Korean children obtained were less than the Korean standard values of the same ages in both sexes. B. Prevalence of Protein-Calory Malnutrition: Children examined were devided into two groups, i. e., infant(up to the first birthday) and toddler (1 to 4 fears old). 1) Percentages of four levels of malnutrition: a) When the nutrtional status of each child was classified (1) by body weight value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 52.8%(infant 83.3%, toddler 44.4%) and 39.7% (infant 74.5%. toddler 30.5%), the first level of malnutrition were 31.9%(infant 13.7%, toddler 36.9%) and 31.7%(infant 15.3%, toddler 36,0%), the second level of malnutrition were 12.3%(infant 1.7%, toddler 15.3%) and 23.3% (infant 7.7%, fodder 27.5%), the third level of malnutrition were 2.7%(infant 0.7%, toddler 3.2%) and 4.6%(infant 1.8%, toddler 5.3%) the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.3% (infant 0.7%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.7% (0.7% for infant and toddler) respectively. (2) by height value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 80.3% (infant 97.3%, toddler 75.6%) and 75.1% (infant 96.4%, toddler 69.5), the first level of malnutrition were 17.9% (infant 2.0%, toddler 22.3%) and 23.6% (infants 3.6%, toddler 28.8%), the second level of malnutrition were 1.2% (infant 0.3%, toddler 1.5%) and 1.1% (infant 0%, toddler 1.4%), the third level of malnutrition were 0.4%(infant 0.3%, toddler 0.5%) and 0.2%(infant 0%, toddler 0.3%), the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) and 0% respectively. (3) by body weight in relation to height, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 87.9% (infant 77.6%, toddler 87.9%) and 78.2% (infant 77.4%, toddler 78.2%), the first level of malnutrition were 12.2% (infant 18.4%, toddler 10.6%) and 18.2% (infant 17.9%, toddler 18.3%), the second level of malnutrition were 1.9%(infant 3.3%, toddler 1.5%) and 3.0%(infant 3.3%, toddler 2.9%), the third level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%. toddler 0.1%) and 0.5% (infant 0%, toddler 0.6%), the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0.7%, toddler 0%) and 0.3% (infant 1.5%, toddler 0%) respectively. b) When the nutritional status of each child according to the mother's age at perturition, i. e., young aged mother (up to 30 years old), middle aged mother (31 to 40 years old) and old aged mother (41 years or above) was classified (1) by body weight, among infants and toddlers, at each year of age, with increasing the mother's age, there was an increase in percentage of subjects underweight. This tendency of increasing percentage of underweight was more significant in the infant period than the toddler period. (2) by height value, no significant differences between each mother's age group were found. c) When the nutritional status of each child according to the birth rank, i. e., lower birth rank (first to third) and higher birth rank (fourth or above) was classified (1) by weight value, children of higher birth rank were slightly more often underweight than those of lower birth rank, but not significant. (2) by height value, no differences were found between children of lower and higher birth rank. 2) Gomez Classification: When the nutritional status of each child was classified a) by body weight value, the percentages for male and female of children. attained standard growth were 53.1% (infant 82.6%, toddler 44.9%) and 39.2% (infant 73.4%, toddler 30.1%), the first degree of malnutrition were 39.4% (infant 14.7%, toddler 46.2%) and 47.1% (infant 21.9%, toddler 53.8%), the second degree of malnutrition were 7.3%(infant 2.3%, toddler 8.6%) and 12.9% (infant 4.0%, toddler 15.2%). and the third degree of malnutrition were 0.2%. (infant 0.3%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.8% (infant 0.7%, toddler 0.9%) respectively. b) by height value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 80.8% (infant 97.0%, toddler 76.3%) and 73.8%(infant 95.6%, toddler 68.0%), the first degree of malnutrition were 18.5% (infant 2.7%, toddler 22.9%) and 24.6% (infant 4.4%, toddler 30.0%), the second degree of malnutrition were 0.6%(infant 0.3%, toddler 0.7%) and 0.5% (infant 0.1%, toddler 0.7%), and the third degree of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) and 1.1% (infant 0%, toddler 1.3%) respectively. C. Results of clinical laboratory examination: 1) Red blood cells: The ranges of mean red blood cell counts for male and female were $3,538,000/mm^3\;to\;4,403,000/mm^3\;and\;3,576,000/mm^3\;to\;4,483,000/mm^3$ respectively. The lowest red cell counts were seen at the age of 0-3 months for male and 1-2 months for female. 2) Haematocrit value : The ranges of haematocrit value of male and female were 35.1% to 38.8% and 34.7% to 38.8% respectively. The lowest haematocrit values were seen at the age of 2-3 months for male and 1-2, months for female. 3) The prevalence rates of intestinal parasites for male and female children with Ascaris lumbricoides were 34.1% (infant 18.8%, toddler 38.1%) and 36.0%(infant 18.4%, toddler 40.7%), with Trichocephalus trichiuris were 6.8% (infant 2.9%, toddler 7.9%) and 9.0% (infant 3.0%, toddler 10.6%), with Hookworm were 0.3% (infant 0.5%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.3% (infant 0.5%, toddler 0.3%), with Clonorchis sinensis were 0.4%(infant 0%, toddler 0.5%) and 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) respectively.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.57-71
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• 1994

I investigated actual conditions of smoking of teenagers who were randomly chosen middle and high school students. 1. Juvenile smoking 1) Parents' opinions of juvenile smoking Most parents do not want their children to smoke after growth : 88.6% of fathers (middle school students: 88.9%, high school students: 88.4%) and 95.1% of mothers (middle school students: 93.4%, high school students :95.5%). 2) Teenagers' opinions of smoking after growth The rate of students who will smoke after growth is 10.8% (middle school students: 12.0%, high school students: 9.9%): students in agricultural areas show the higher rate than those in cities. 3) Parents' opinions of their children's smoking now 1.5% of fathers want their children to smoke now (middle school students: 1.3%, high school students: 1.6%) and 1.1% of mothers do (middle school students: 0.6%, high school students: 1.5%). This shows that most parents do not want their children to smoke now. 4) Students' opinions of their friends' smoking now Students who want their friends smoke now cover 7.8% (middle school students: 7.1%, high school students: 8.4%). This rates are higher than those of parents shown in (3). And more high school students and more girl students gave the positive reponse than middle school boy and girl students, respectively. 5) Students' views of smoking "Look like an adult" covers the rate of 4.0% (boy: 7.8%, girl:3.6%) 6.7% of middle school students have this view, while 3.7% of high school students have. 16.1% of students had an experience of smoking during the last one year (boy: 29.9%, girl: 8.6%): this shows that the rate of the boy students is more than 3 times greater than that of the girl students and high students who experienced smoking last year covers 20.2%, while middle school students shows 10.9%. 6) Actual conditions of students' smoking The present rate of students' smoking is 22.4% (boy:38.3%, girl:13.8%): the rate of boy students is greater than that of girl students. Students who smoke more than pack of cigarettes a day cover 8.2% (boy: 17.5%, girl: 3.2%): 5.2% of middle school students (boy:11.4%, girl: 2.1%) smoke more than one pack while 10.7% of high school students do (boy:21.5%, girl: 4.2%). This shows that the rate of boy students' smoking is greater than that of girl students' smoking. 7) The rate of smoking of students' parents 75.4% of fathers (city: 74.5%, agricultural area:75.9%) smoke: and more than a half (62.4%) smoke more than a pack cigarettes a day. On the other hand, the rate of smoking mothers is 5.2%(city: 4.3%, agricultural area: 7.3%): the rate is higher in agricultural areas. 8) Opinions of smoking population in the future 61.4% of students answered that smoking population will increase, while 27.0% have the opinion that smoking population will decrease. 2. Opinions of the effects of smoking on health 1) Have you heard that smokers are likely to suffer from tuberclosis? 78.3% of students said yes (boy: 80.8%, girl: 76.4%): it is shown that the rate of boys is greater than that of girls. 2) Have you heard that smokers are likely to get out of endurance? 76.6% of students (boy: 69.3%, girl: 49.7%) answered yes: it is shown that the rate of boys is greater than that of girls. 3) Have you heard that heart-beats get fast when one smokes? 32.5% of students (boy: 35.5%, girl: 30.9%) answered yes: 32.2% in cities(boy: 33.0%, girl: 31.8%) and 33.5% in agricultural areas(boy: 41.8%, girl: 28.8%): and 28.7% middle students and 35.5% of high school students answered yes. 4) Have you heard that smokers are likely to have heart-diseases? 35.1% of students (boy: 34.0%, girl: 34.1%) answered yes: 35.3% in cities (boy: 37.2%, girl: 34.2%) and 36.7% in agricultural areas (boy: 39.0%, girl: 33.9%): 34.8% of middle school students and 35.4% of high school students. 5) Have you heard that smokers are likely to have a lung cancer? 91.4% of students (boy: 93.2%, girl: 89.9%) answered yes: 90.35% in cities and 94.2% in agricultural areas. 6) Have you heard that the life of smokers gets shorter? 94.3% of students (boy:94.6%, girl: 92.2%) answered yes. 7) Have you heard that pregnant smokers will deliver a baby with low birth weight? 29.6% of students (boy: 29.8%, girl: 29.4%) answered yes: the rates of boys and girls almost the same. 8) Have you heard that one feels calm when one smokes? 80.1% of students (boy: 81.8%, girl: 79.2%) answered yes: boys and girls showed almost the same rate. 3. Preventive measures Smoking people continued to increase all over the world because smoking not only mitigated emotional uneasiness such as loneliness, nervousness and so on, but also could be very helpful from the social perspective. This was so because they did not consider harmful effects of smoking on health, and victims. However, because any -one can have physical disorders caused by smoking, people should always keep in mind the following preventive measures. 1) Doctors or teachers should set an example of giving up smoking. Informing patients or students of harmful effects of smoking to persuade their family and relatives not to smoke. 2) Through mass media like newspapers, periodicals or broadcasting, to make people know harmful effects of smoking and not smoke. 3) To prohibit selling teenagers cigarette by law. 4) To prohibit smoking in public places like work places, offices, lecture rooms, recreation rooms, buses, trains and so on. 5) To decrease the rate of life insurance for non-smokers as in foreign countries and to give a warming of the harmful effects on cigarette packets or ads.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.1
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• pp.371-408
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• 1997

This article is the reserch on actual condition of crime of arson which occurs in Korea and its countermeasures. The the presented problem in this article are that (1) we have generally very low rate concern about the crime of arson contrary to realistic problems of rapid increase of crime of arson (2) as such criminal motives became so diverse as to the economic or criminal purpose unlike characteristic and mental deficiency of old days, and to countermeasure these problems effectively it presentation the necessity of systemantic research. Based on analysis of reality of arson, the tendency of this arson in Korea in the ratio of increase is said to be higher than those in violence crime or general fire rate. and further its rate is far more greater than those of the U.S.A. and Japan. Arson is considered to be a method of using fire as crime and in case of presently residence to be the abject, it is a public offense crime which aqccompany fatality in human life. This is the well It now fact to all of us. And further in order to presentation to the crime of arson, strictness of criminal law (criminal law No, 164 and 169, and fire protection law No. 110 and 111) and classification of arsonist as felony are institutionary reinforced to punish with certainty of possibility, Therefore, as tendency of arson has been increased compared to other nations, it is necessary to supplement strategical policy to bring out overall concerns of the seriousness of risk and damage of arson, which have been resulted from the lack of understanding. In characteristics analysis of crime of arson, (1) It is now reveald that, in the past such crime rate appeared far more within the boundary of town or city areas in the past, presently increased rate of arsons in rural areas are far more than in the town or small city areas, thereby showing characteristics of crime of arson extending nation wide. (2) general timetable of arson shows that night more than day time rate, and reveald that is trait behavior in secrecy.(3) arsonists are usually arrested at site or by victim or report of third person(82,9%).Investigation activities or self surrenders rate only 11.2%. The time span of arrest is normally the same day of arson and at times it takes more than one year to arrest. This reveals its necessity to prepare for long period of time for arrest, (4) age rate of arson is in their thirties mostly as compared to homicide, robbery and adultery, and considerable numbers of arsons are in old age of over fifties. It reveals age rate is increased (5) Over half of the arsonists are below the junior high school (6) the rate of convicts by thier records is based on first offenders primarily and secondly more than 4 time convicts. This apparently shows necessity of effective correctional education policy for their social assimilation together with re-investigation of human education at the primary and secondary education system in thier life. The examples of motivation for arosnits, such as personal animosity, fury, monetary swindle, luscious purpose and other aims of destroying of proof, and other social resistance, violence including ways of threatening, beside the motives of individual defects, are diverse and arsonic suicide and specifically suicidal accompany together keenly manifested. When we take this fact with the criminal theory, it really reveals arsons of crime are increasing and its casualities are serious and a point as a way of suicide is the anomie theory of Durkheim and comensurate with the theory of that of Merton, Specifically in the arson of industrial complex, it is revealed that one with revolutionary motive or revolting motive would do the arsonic act. For the policy of prevention of arsons, professional research work in organizational cooperation for preventive activities is conducted in municipal or city wise functions in the name of Parson Taskforces and beside a variety of research institutes in federal government have been operating effectively to countermeasure in many fields of research. Franch and Sweden beside the U.S. set up a overall operation of fire prevention research funtions and have obtained very successful result. Japan also put their research likewise for countermeasure. In this research as a way of preventive fire policy, first, it is necessary to accomodate the legal preventitive activities for fire prevention in judicial side and as an administrative side, (1) precise statistic management of crime of arson (2) establishment of professional research functions or a corporate (3) improvement of system for cooperative structural team for investigation of fires and menpower organization of professional members. Secondly, social mentality in individual prospect, recognition of fires by arson and youth education of such effect, educational program for development and practical promotion. Thirdly, in view of environmental side, the ways of actual performance by programming with the establishment of cooperative advancement in local social function elements with administrative office, habitants, school facilities and newspapers measures (2) establishment of personal protection where weak menpowers are displayed in special fire prevention measures. These measures are presented for prevention of crime of arson. The control of crime and prevention shall be prepared as a means of self defence by the principle of self responsibility Specifically arsonists usually aims at the comparatively weak control of fire prevention is prevalent and it is therefore necessary to prepare individual facilities with their spontaneous management of fire prevention instead of public municipal funtures of local geverment. As Clifford L. Karchmer asserted instead of concerns about who would commit arson, what portion of area would be the target of the arson. It is effective to minister spontaveously the fire prevention measure in his facility with the consideration of characteristics of arson. On the other hand, it is necessary for the concerned personnel of local goverment and groups to distribute to the local society in timely manner for new information about the fire prevention, thus contribute to effective result of fire prevention result. In consideration of these factors, it is inevitable to never let coincide with the phemonemon of arsons in similar or mimic features as recognized that these could prevail just an epedemic as a strong imitational attitude. In processing of policy to encounter these problems, it is necessary to place priority of city policy to enhancement of overall concerns toward the definitive essense of crime of arson.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.347-365
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• 1995

A survey was conducted to study perception and attitudes of health workers towards health center's activities and organization of health services, from August 15 to September 30, 1994. The study population was 310 health workers engaged in seven urban health centers in Taegu City area. A questionnaire method was used to collect data and response rate was 81.3 percent or 252 respondents. The following are summaries of findings: Profiles of study population: Health workers were predominantly female(62.3%); had college education(60.3%); and held medical and nursing positions(39.6%), technicians(30.6%) and public health/administrative positions(29.8%). Perceptions on health center's resources: Slightly more than a half(51.1%) of respondents expressed that physical facilities of the centers are inadequate; equipments needed are short(39.0%); human resource is inadequate(44.8%); and health budget allocated is insufficient(38.5%) to support the performance of health center's activities. Decentralization and health services: The majority revealed that the decentralization of government system would affect the future activities of health centers(51.9%) which may have to change. However, only one quarter of respondents(25.4%) seemed to view the decentralization positively as they expect that it would help perform health activities more effectively. The majority of the respondents(78.6%) insisted that the function and organization of the urban health centers should be changed. Target workload and job satisfaction: A large proportion (43.3%) of respondents felt that present target setting systems for various health activities are unrealistic in terms of community needs and health center's situation while only 11.1 percent responded it positively; the majority(57.5%) revealed that they need further training in professional fields to perform their job more effectively; more than one third(35.7%) expressed that they enjoy their professional autonomy in their job performance; and a considerable proportion (39.3%) said they are satisfied with their present work. Regarding the personnel management, more worker(47.3%) perceived it negatively than positive(11.5%) as most of workers seemed to think the personnel management practiced at the health centers is not fair or justly done. Health services rendered: Among health services rendered, health workers perceived the following services are most successfully delivered; they are, in order of importance, Tb control, curative services, and maternal and child health care. Such areas as health education, oral health, environmental sanitation, and integrated health services are needed to be strengthening. Regarding the community attitudes towards health workers, 41.3 percent of respondents think they are trusted by the community they serve. New areas of concern identified which must be included in future activities of health centers are, in order of priority, health care of elderly population, home health care, rehabilitation services, and such chronic diseases control programs as diabetes, hypertension, school health and mental health care. In conclusion, the study revealed that health workers seemed to have more negative perceptions and attitudes than positive ones towards organization and management of health services and activities performed by the urban health centers where they are engaged. More specifically, the majority of health workers studied revealed to have the following areas of health center's organization and management inadequate or insufficient to support effective performance of their health activities: Namely, physical facilities and equipments required are inadequate; human and financial resources are insufficient; personnel management is unsatisfactory; setting of service target system is unrealistic in terms of the community needs. However, respondents displayed a number of positive perceptions, particularly to those areas as further training needs and implementation of decentralization of government system which will bring more autonomy of local government as they perceived these change would bring the necessary changes to future activities of the health center. They also displayed positive perceptions in their job autonomy and have job satisfactions.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.