• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.41
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.22 no.1
• /
• pp.19-48
• /
• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.196-221
• /
• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• Journal of Aquaculture
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.331-338
• /
• 2008

Monthly changes in the gonadosomatic index (GSI) and hepatosomatic index (HSI) of wild river puffer Takifugu obscurus, and water quality environment in spawning area during breeding season were investigated from March 1995 to February 1996. Monthly changes in GSI and HSI of T. obscurus, that was cultured in low salinity, were calculated. The external morphology of the gonads, germ cell differentiation during gametogenesis and the reproductive cycle with the gonad developmental phases were investigated by histological analysis. The optimum water quality environment in Ganggyung, Choongcheongnam-do, where is spawning ground of wild T. obscurus, was $15-20^{\circ}C$ (water temperature) and 0 psu (salinity). Monthly changes in the GSI in females and males reached a maximum in May, and then rapidly decreased. Therefore, it is assumed that in the natural condition the spawning period of wild T. obscurus is May to June. In females and males, it showed a negative correlationship between the GSI and HSI. The external morphology of the gonads in female and male T. obscurus, that was cultured in low salinity, is composed of a pair of saccular structure. Based on monthly changes in the GSI, it is assumed that in female T. obscurus, that was cultured in low salinity, spawn from March through May. Therefore, it showed a negative correlationship between changes in the GSI and HSI. On the whole, in females and males, it showed a similar pattern between wild and cultured T. obscurus. The reproductive cycle with the gonad developmental phases can be classified into successive five stages in females: the early growing stage, late growing stage, mature stage, ripe and spent stage, and recovery and resting stage. In males, that can be divided into successive four stages: the growing stage, mature stage, ripe and spent stage, and recovery and resting stage. In case of wild T. obscurus, the spawning period has once a year, however, those cultured in the high water temperature ($20-27^{\circ}C$) - low salinity (under 3.3 psu) condition have reproductive characteristics having possibilities of discharge of eggs and sperms year-round as a multiple spawner.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
• /
• v.45 no.2
• /
• pp.127-134
• /
• 2012

Microwave remote sensing can help monitor the land surface water cycle, crop growth and soil moisture. A ground-based polarimetric scatterometer has an advantage for continuous crop using multi-polarization and multi-frequencies and various incident angles have been used extensively in a frequency range expanding from L-band to Ka-band. In this study, we analyzed the relationships between L-, C- and X-band signatures and soil moisture content over the whole soybean growth period. Polarimetric backscatter data at L-, C- and X-bands were acquired every 10 minutes. L-band backscattering coefficients were higher than those observed using C- or X-band over the period. Backscattering coefficients for all frequencies and polarizations increased until Day Of Year (DOY) 271 and then decreased until harvesting stage (DOY 294). Time serious of soil moisture content was not a corresponding with backscattering over the whole growth stage, although it increased relatively until early August (R2, DOY 224). We conducted the relationship between the backscattering coefficients of each band and soil moisture content. Backscattering coefficients for all frequencies were not correlated with soil moisture content when considered over the entire stage ($r{\leq}0.50$). However, we found that L-band HH polarization was correlated with soil moisture content (r=0.90) when Leaf Area Index (LAI)<2. Retrieval equations were developed for estimating soil moisture content using L-band HH polarization. Relation between L-HH and soil moisture shows exponential pattern and highly related with soil moisture content ($R^2=0.92$). Results from this study show that backscattering coefficients of radar scatterometer appear effective to estimate soil moisture content.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
• /
• v.43 no.3
• /
• pp.374-383
• /
• 2010

Microwave radar can penetrate cloud cover regardless of weather conditions and can be used day and night. Especially a ground-based polarimetric scatterometer has advantages of monitoring crop conditions continuously with full polarization and different frequencies. Kim et al. (2009) have measured backscattering coefficients of paddy rice using L-, C-, X-band scatterometer system with full polarization and various angles during the rice growth period and have revealed the necessity of near-continuous automatic measurement to eliminate the difficulties, inaccuracy and sparseness of data acquisitions arising from manual operation of the system. In this study, we constructed an X-band automatic scatterometer system, analyzed scattering characteristics of paddy rice from X-band scatterometer data and estimated rice growth parameter using backscattering coefficients in X-band. The system was installed inside a shelter in an experimental paddy field at the National Academy of Agricultural Science (NAAS) before rice transplanting. The scatterometer system consists of X-band antennas, HP8720D vector network analyzer, RF cables and personal computer that controls frequency, polarization and data storage. This system using automatically measures fully-polarimetric backscattering coefficients of rice crop every 10 minutes. The backscattering coefficients were calculated from the measured data at a fixed incidence angle of $45^{\circ}$ and with full polarization (HH, VV, HV, VH) by applying the radar equation and compared with rice growth data such as plant height, stem number, fresh dry weight and Leaf Area Index (LAI) that were collected at the same time of each rice growth parameter. We examined the temporal behaviour of the backscattering coefficients of the rice crop at X-band during rice growth period. The HH-, VV-polarization backscattering coefficients steadily increased toward panicle initiation stage, thereafter decreased and again increased in early-September. We analyzed the relationships between backscattering coefficients in X-band and plant parameters and predicted the rice growth parameters using backscattering coefficients. It was confirmed that X-band is sensitive to grain maturity at near harvesting season.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.275-282
• /
• 1986

A series of studies on the properties of clayey terrace soils distributed at the inland (Yeongcheon) and coastal (Yeongjil) regions in Yeongnam district was carried out. On the base of the facts found and already reported about the macro morphological features as well as on pedological characters in micro scale, physicochemical properties, mineralogical characteristics etc., the present study dealt with soil genesis and tried to classify the soils for reasonable use and managements. 1. Although the both regions belonged to "Mesic" soil temperature regime and "red and yellow earths" areas of "Thornthwaite" pedo-climatic diagram, climatic indices as a soil forming factor indicate that the coastal Yeongil had milder than the inland Yeongcheon. 2. All the terrace soils had developed soil profiles with an "Argrllic B". Upyeong soils in Yeongil region had "Argillans" even in the "II B horizons" that possibly be "Paleo-argillic". 3. The bisequum profiles of Bancheon in Yeongcheon and Upyeong in Yeongil revealed that they were developed on Late Mesozoic shale and on semiconsolidated Tertiary deposits respectively, therefore the overlying clayey terrace deposits were assumed to be originated from the Early Quaternary deposits, Diluvium. 4. To supplement the Soil Taxonomy of USDA, the terrace soils with different degrees of gleyzation were classified as follows; Deogpyeong and Hwadong soils which have less than 50cm of paddified gley horizons (redness less than 0.5) in the upper part of the profiles by artificial surface irrigation, tentatively classified into "Anthrepiaquic Hapludalfs" and the Geugrag soils that have more than 50cm of paddified gley horizons within 1.2m of the profiles, into "Anthr-aquic Ochraqualfs" while the Upyeong soils that had greyish mottles in subsoils by natural ground water remain as an "Aquic Hapludalfs" the same as present. The Bancheon soils with free mottles are into "Typic Hapludalfs" as used at present.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.31 no.3
• /
• pp.83-94
• /
• 2013

The purpose of this study is to offer basic data about prototype conservation of the Orijangnim, natural monument No. 404. For this study, March to August 2010, was a literature surveys and field research, and based on this, the Delphi survey of local residents and experts meeting were diagnosed with forest back ground, spatial extent, in the form of forests, flora and vegetation of the surrounding area, so examined closely the original form. Range of the Orijangnim was presumed from Jacheon middle school entrance($N36^{\circ}05^{\prime}59.9^{{\prime}{\prime}}/E128^{\circ}54^{\prime}32.9^{{\prime}{\prime}}$) to Odong of Hwabukmyeon village entrance($N36^{\circ}05^{\prime}31.0^{{\prime}{\prime}}/E128^{\circ}54^{\prime}32.5^{{\prime}{\prime}}$). The Orijangnim in the original form of the existing forest surrounding the village along gohyeon river going back a long S-shaped about 2km is considered. The investigated vascular plants consist of total 198 taxa : 2 forms, 20 varieties, 179 species, 152 Genera, 72 Families. Most of the 60 kinds of large land plants lots of whole plants accounted for 33.3%. A main vegetation of the Orijangnim have been distributed 473 objects of 21 species, and evergreen conifers is 19% to 92 objects, on the other hand, deciduous broadleaf tree is 79% to 373 objects, so the Orijangnim can be maxed forest that deciduous broadleaf tree is dominant. When consider the composition purpose of forest, environment of location, tree size, surrounding flora and vegetation, because an original vegetation of Orijangnim is suggested Zelkova serrata, Salix glandulosa, Celtis sinensis Pers., Quercus variabilis, Quercus acutissima , Sophora japonica L., Cornus walteri Wanger. we must restore around such species of tree. Cedrus deodara (Roxb.) Loudon, Chaenomeles sinensis, Prunus yedoensis Matsum., Ginkgo biloba , Pinus thunbergii Parl., Populus tomentiglandulosa T. Lee is considered to have been planted in the last.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
• /
• v.37 no.1
• /
• pp.73-86
• /
• 2004

In order to estimate the post-ingestion bioavailability of heavy metals and to assess the risk of adverse health effects on human exposure to toxic heavy metals, environmental geochemical surveys were undertaken around the Dogok Au-Ag-Cu and the Hwacheon Au-Ag-Pb-Zn mine sites. Human risk assessment of toxic heavy metals was performed with the results of the SBET(simple bioavailability extraction test) analysis for soil and chemical analytical data for crop plant and water. Arsenic and other heavy metals were highly elevated in tailings from the Dogok(218 As mg/kg, 90.2 Cd mg/kg, 3,053 Cu mg/kg, 9,473 Pb mg/kg, 14,500 Zn mg/kg) and the Hwacheon(72 As mg/kg, 12.4 Cd mg/kg. 578 Pb mg/kg, 1,304 Zn mg/kg) mines. These significant concentrations can impact on soils and waters around the tailing dumps. The quantities of As, Cd and Zn extracted from paddy soils in the Hwacheon mine using the SBET analysis were 55.4%, 20.8% and 26.4% bioavailability, respectively, and for farmland soils in the Dogok mine, 40.8%, 37.6% and 33.0% bioavailability, respectively. From the results of human risk assessment, HI(Hazard Index) value exceeded 1.0 for As in the Hwacheon mine and for Cd in the Dogok mine. Thus, toxic risks for As and Cd exist via exposure(ingestion) of contaminated soil, water and rice grain in these mine sites. The cancer risk for As by the consumption of rice and groundwater in the Hwacheon mine area was 8E-4 and 1E-4, respectively. This risk level exceeds the acceptable risk(1 in 100,000) for regulatory purpose. Therefore, regular ingestion of locally grown rice and ground-water by the local population can pose a potential health threat due to long-term arsenic exposure.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.75-81
• /
• 1989

In this paper, the authors describe on the field experiment of the newly designed actual stow net, standing on the result of the model experiment to examine the performance of the conventional net and the newly designed net, presented in two previous reports of this series. Concurrently the additional experiment to find out the possibility of changing of operating system from the side to the stern was carried out. 1. Fundamental shape of the experimented net was 20 times aslarge asthe newly designed model net. Performance of the net was detected by using two ultrasonic echo sounders: one was set downward at the top-most spreader of the shearing device to detect the opening height of the device from the sea bed, and the other sidewise at the starboard top-most spreader to detect the top-most opening width of the devices. Opening height of the newly designed net showed about 3m smaller than the conventional net at slow current of 0.6m/sec and less but it overcome 1m at speedy current of 0.8m/sec and more. Opening width of the newly designed net was 1.4 times as large as that of the conventional net, ant the front projection area of the newly designed net mouth was estimated as 1.3~1.6 times as large as that of the conventional net. 2. The experiment on the stern operating system was tightly limited by the structure of the ship employed in the experiment, which was a stern trawler of 2275 GT. The ship confronted by the wind with main anchor, while the net was put over the stern slipway and the hauling line of shearing device was operated through the top rollers of gallows. The experiment was very suggestive in the view point to mechanize the operating system, and so to decrease the man power except the following question. The of bow-stern line of ship, and that of net is much different.