• 보존과학연구
• /
• s.34
• /
• pp.64-81
• /
• 2013

It is not easy to define the priority criteria of the need of conservation treatment for stone cultural heritage, although many of them have been treated and restored over the past decade. This study approached the correlation between damage grade and the need of conservation treatment based on damage diagnosis of stone cultural heritage carried out from 2001 to 2005. The number of Third-graded (from First to Fifth-grade) stone heritage in deterioration was the highest among state-designated stone cultural heritage. The Fourth-graded stone cultural heritage (143 in total) was mostly influenced by high physiochemical deterioration, whereas the Fifth-graded ones (61 in total) was dominantly affected by biological colonization. It was estimated that total 211 stone cultural heritage were treated for conservation and restoration from 2002 to 2011. They were usually cleaned (total 134, 26.1%), joined and consolidated, and maintenance works as shelter construction, drainage installation and surrounding cleaning were carried out for some of them. The number of conservation intervention increased with the high deterioration grade, and the case number of metamorphic and sedimentary rocks. By age, the stone cultural heritage in Three-kingdom Period were treated the most, and other heritage in Unified Shilla, Goryeo and Joseon showed an approximate ratio. The stone cultural heritage fallen in the fifth-grade in deterioration demonstrated the highest ratio, approximately 80% of conservation intervention. These results can be used as preliminary data to define the emergency criteria for conservation intervention policy.

• Conservation Science in Museum
• /
• v.19
• /
• pp.1-18
• /
• 2018

The Stele for National Preceptor Hongbeop from the Jeongtosa Temple site in Chungju is one of the most important stone cultural heritage items for exemplifying the style of the Goryeo era. Despite its obvious value, this relic has been stored in a weathered condition at the National Museum of Korea. It had suffered various dismantling and displacements during the Japanese colonial period and had long been exposed in the open air. The stele was selected as a subject for the Stone Monuments Restoration Project launched by the National Museum of Korea in 2015. In preparation for its outdoor exhibition as part of the restoration project, this study investigated the characteristics of its materials, produced a map of its deterioration from weathering, and carried out ultrasonic analysis of the materials to provide findings useful for conservation treatment. The materials analysis revealed that the turtle-shaped pedestal of the stele was made from two-mica granite consisting of medium-grained quartz, plagioclase, alkali feldspar, biotite, and muscovite. Its body stone is crystalline marble, the rock-forming mineral in which is medium-grained calcite in a rose-pink color with dark grey spots. The dragon top of the stele is made of crystalline marble, the major component of which is medium-grained calcite of a light-grey color. The deterioration consists of 21.5% abrasion on the stone body, with its south face most damaged, and 18.6% granular disintegration, with the north face most damaged. The ultrasonic material characterization conducted for mapping the general condition of weathering shows low values on the parts-assembly area of the turtle-shaped pedestal and on the upper portion of the stone body. It is considered that there is dislocation due to partial blistering and fracturing as well as to the differences in surface treatment. Prior to the outdoor exhibition of the stele, the surface was cleaned of contaminants and was consolidated based on the scientific investigation in order to prevent weathering from the external environment.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.2
• /
• pp.16-26
• /
• 2016

In this paper, we collected information on Palgyeong of the Gangneung area that were scattered around several literatures, and analyzed and interpreted regional distribution, elements of scenery and inherent meanings from various angles. we shed light on the origin and the meaning of Palgyeong, which have been passed down in the Gangneung area. Palgyeong of the Gangneung area have been accumulated and expanded for a long period of time, since Goryeo up to the modern times, and it does not simply reflect the beauty of natural scenery, but also reflect historical facts and sentiments rooted in this region. In addition, given the comprehensive veiw of Palgyeong of the Gangneung area and in consideration of its type and distribution of the eight sceneries the most common format is similar to Sosang(瀟湘類似型). What are repeatedly appearing among them include 'smoke from cooking supper' and 'catching fish', showing the living conditions of local residents of Gangneung at the time, which refers to the fact that Palgyeong consisted of village units. Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are distributed in diverse ranges between the city and Nujung. Most of Palgyeong are clustered in the east of Gangneung city and in the region tangent to Gangdong-myeon and Gujeong-myeon. When we consider the situation where most of Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are distributed in this region, it suggests that the region occupies the heart of scenery of Gangneung. Palgyeong of the Gangneung area consists of 60% natural factors, 36% humanity factors, and 4% other factors, where the natural factors hold the beauty of nature itself and the humanities and other factors hold the legends and history contained in the targets. The sceneries expressed by Palgyeong cannot be individually separated. Namedaecheon, Jukdobong, Sumseokcheon, Sumdulmaeul, Gunseongang, Pungho and Kyungpoho were connected to Nujung and Hongjamam, and they eventually became a panorama. Hansongjung, Hwanseondeung, Hansongsa, Pungho and Gunseongang are related to Hwarang of Silla and have become representative historical sceneries of the Gangneung area. Judging from the fact that currently non-existing sceneries such as Kyeonjodo, Hansongjung and Gulsansa remained in Palgyeong and been passed, Palgyeong have positioned imaginary spaces of the Gangneung people beyond simply expressing sceneries. In conclusion, Palgyeong in the Gangneung area are aesthetical objects and while at the same time, they are historical and cultural space, and furthermore, we can see that they still remain as imaginary spaces.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.4
• /
• pp.44-65
• /
• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.2
• /
• pp.190-205
• /
• 2016

Buddhist stupas, which are a symbolic architecture of Buddhism and enshrine the Jinsinsari of Buddha, were reinvented as stone stupas appropriate for the natural soil of Korea from existing wooden stupas around the 7th century after the introduction of Buddhism. Later, the construction of a stone stupa was expanded to local areas from the central area around the 9th century; thus, stone stupas of more diverse local colors were built in a nationwide scale, and today it is called a "country of stone stupas". While focusing on the stylistic interchanges between stone stupas, which were established in each region in accordance with the localization of the establishment of stone stupas that was begun actively from the 9th century, this paper selected several cases of stone stupas among about 50 stone stupas in the Gangwondo-region. First, the study compared the stone stupas and Buddhist priest tower of Seollimwonji, Jinjeonsaji, and Geodonsaji, which are located at the same temple site as the current Buddhist priest tower, from among typical Silla style stupas that match the 9 stone stupas in the Gangwon-do region. This is because stylistic interchanges were possible while there were mutually organic relationships between Buddhist statues such as stone stupas, Buddhist priest towers, stone lanterns, and Buddhist pedestals, which used the same stone material along with the expansion of Buddhism to local areas in accordance with the spread of Zen Buddhism in the 9th century. Second, a comparison was made of the stylistic similarities between the Woljeongsa Palgakgucheong (eight sides nine-storied) stone stupa and the Sinboksaji Samcheung (three-storied) stone stupa, which are totally different in regard to the number of stories and the flat form. These two stone stupas are representative Goryeo stone stupas. The Woljeongsa stone stupa is a Goguryeo-oriented stone stupa with many sided multiple stories whereas the Sinboksaji stone stupa has been known as an early case of the insertion of the support of Tapsin in each story. Although the two stone stupas may look very different, but through close investigation it was confirmed that there were many stylistic interchanges between them and not only the seated stone Buddha statue in the cylinder jewel case in front of the stupa but also the stone stupa established by the same master. Consequently, this paper aimed not merely to mention the simple patterns of stone stupas, but, further, to trace the interchange in patterns in accordance with the construction period based on those patterns.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.3
• /
• pp.172-193
• /
• 2013

This study examines the production techniques and raw materials shown in the Korean dried-lacquer statues of Buddha through a careful observation of the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue from the late Goryeo Dynasty which is currently possessed by Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo. As a method of study, the X-ray data and the results from a field survey were combined to analyze the production techniques and the characteristics of raw materials. Based on this analysis, a hypothesis was established on the production process and verified through a reenactment of the actual production process. Then, the characteristics of the techniques applied to each process and the raw materials were recorded in detail. Specifically, the dried lacquer techniques and the raw materials were estimated based on the results of naked-eye observation in comparison with the literature, especially the records of "Xiu Shi Lu" written by Huang Cheng of the Ming Dynasty which is considered as 'the textbook of lacquer techniques.' The raw materials used in the production of the traditional Korean lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl were also referenced. As a result, it was found that the features of production techniques and the raw materials found in the Statue at Okura Museum of Art have many similarities with those of the Seated Dried-lacquer Statue of Lohan (Arhat) from Yuanfu 2 Nian Ming (1098) of the Song Dynasty which is currently at the Honolulu Museum of Art. In particular, the similarities include that the interior of the statue being vacant because the clay and the wood core were not replaced after being removed from the prototype, that the complete form was made in the clay forming stage to apply the lacquer with baste fiber fabric, that the clay and the wood core were removed through the bottom of the statue, and that the modeling stage was omitted and the final coat over the statue is very thin. Additionally, decorating with ornaments like Bobal and Youngrak made of plastic material was a technique widely popular in the Song Dynasty, suggesting that the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue in Okura Museum of Art was greatly affected by the production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Song Dynasty. There is no precise record on the origin and history of the Korean Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues and the number of existing works is also very limited. Even the records in "Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing" that tells us about the origin of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Yuan Feng Period (1078~1085) do not indicate the time of transmission. It is also difficult to trace the clear route of transmission of production techniques through existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues. Fortunately, this study could at least reveal that the existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues of Korea, including the one at Okura Museum of Art, have applied the production techniques rather differently from those used in the production of Japanese Datsukatsu Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues that have been known as the standard rule in making dried-lacquer statues of Buddha for a long time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.5-25
• /
• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.56 no.4
• /
• pp.132-158
• /
• 2023

The five-story and seven-story stone pagodas at Cheongnyangsaji temple site in Gongju are located under the Sambulbong peak of Gyeryongsan mountain, and are known to have been built of the middle in Goryeo dynasty. As the two pagodas in which two types of Baekje stone pagoda coexist in one era, their historical and academic value are recognized. The seven-story pagoda was overturned by robbery in 1944, and as a result, the five-story pagoda was tilted. Although the two pagodas were restored in 1961, structural instability was continuously raised. In this study, measurement data accumulated from May 2021 to March 2022, and seasonal characteristics were reviewed, and the micro behavior of pagodas were analyzed according to temperature and precipitation during the same period. As a result, the micro thermoelastic behavior was repeated according to the daily temperature change in all sensors, and both the slope and the displacement showed microscale behavior. In the inclinometer, moisture containing the surface and inside of the stones repeated expansion and contraction due to temperature change, showing the micro movements. In particular, the upper part of the five-story pagoda moved up to 3.89° to the northwest, and the seven-story pagoda tilted up to 0.078° to the northeast. The maximum displacements were recorded as 0.127 and 0.149 mm in the five-story and the seven-story pagoda, respectively. These values tended to return to the original position at the end of the measurement, but did not recover completely, indicating a state requiring precise monitoring. The result obtained through the study can be used as basic data for the stable conservation of the two stone pagodas. Based on the behavioral characteristics considering various environmental factors should be analyzed, and the preventive conservation through the maintenance of measurement system built this time should be continued.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.234-249
• /
• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.40 no.4
• /
• pp.1-14
• /
• 2022

The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.