• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.109-145
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• 2020

Jeungsan, Kang Il-Sun (hereafter, Jeungsan)'s perspective on divine beings can be characterized by the philosophical notion of divinity, which recognizes a variety of divine entities. Jeungsan insisted that all things embrace divine entities. Furthermore, he claimed that the backgrounds of all incidents were influenced by these gods. Jeungsan thought that the universe consists of the heavenly realm, the earthly realm and the underground realm. He insisted that there were many gods in each realm. And Jeungsan defined his times as the era of divine beings, which meant that the age was a time for divine beings to actively interact with one another and take the lead in world affairs. Divine beings were briskly involved in human affairs and could either reciprocate gratitude or attain revenge. They were also divine beings that could change the acts and perception of humans as well as judge human acts. However, Jeungsan predicted that by the time the paradisiacal land of immortals was established in the Later World, divine beings would instead run errands for humans. In addition, he forecast that divine beings would be entities likely to harbor grievances just like humans, yet they would ultimately become perfected beings in the Later World. Jeungsan further suggested a multitude of various concepts such as the mutual relationship wherein the realm of divine beings and the realm of humanity interrelate with each other, the mutual responses and functions between them, mutual itineration, co-existence, and the homogeneity of divine beings and humans, which described how both have the same innate characteristics. Jeungsan proposed the concept that 'Divinity is an existential state experienced after one's death." In this regard, he is the one who formulated a new perspective of divinity. Moreover, Jeunsan stressed the immortality of humans (continuity or eternality) and the co-existence of divine beings and humans. He emphasized that divinity is intrinsically immanent and the realm of divine beings has a hierarchical system that maintains order and is akin to that of the human realm. Jeungsan recognized a revolutionary change and perspective based on humanity by suggesting a unique view of humanity. In other words, he was a religious figure who introduced an ingenious view of divinity and dramatically transformed this pattern of reasoning. In conclusion, Jeungsan re-interpreted traditional views of divinity in Korea and systemized them into a new concept of divinity in an ingenious way.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.133-163
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• 2017

It is the aim of this paper to elucidate the meaning of 'Sangsaeng' in Daesoon Thought on the basis of its relation to Life and Spirit in the philosophy of Hegel. To achieve this aim, this article compares three important concepts from Daesoon Thought, namely the 'gods of heaven and earth,' 'Haewon', and 'Sangsaeng' with Hegel's 'Life,' 'Spirit,' and the 'struggle for recognition.' This paper will clarify the commonalities as well as the differences between Daesoon Thought and Hegelian philosophy. The comparison between Hegel's concept of 'life' and the 'gods of heaven and earth' shows a specific relationship between a life and a soul which is characterized by duality. The point of similarity is that the two thoughts regards the soul as the basis of all things in nature including the life itself and spirit. This is the duality of the soul in nature and spirit as the truth of nature. But the difference is that Hegel does not reduce all things in nature including life itself to the soul as the truth of nature. This paper will argue that Hegel's idea of spirit returning from nature to itself has a similarity with the essence of Haewon in Haewon-sangsaeng. Hegel insists that spirit submerges initially in nature just as human beings in Daesoon Thought have inherent Won. The realization of the spirit in the Subjective Spirit shows that the spirit sublimates this initial submergence in nature und reveals itself in corporeality. This study will suggest that this realization of spirit including the struggle for recognition may be interpreted as the meaning of Sangsaeng.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.267-302
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• 2017

This study aims to understand the concept of God in Daesoon thought through gods, divine beings, and divine Dao as they are featured in the I Ching. This study also explores analysis by dividing the 'one' from the I Ching into personal subject, metaphysical and fundamental marvel, innate divinity and morality of human beings as being among various concepts of god. Among the terms regarding god, divine Dao is especially clear in its depiction of this concept. In this context, the study looks closely at the characteristics of the concept of God. The divine Dao is actually an order that has been spread throughout the world by Sangje's will and the gods are endowed with His mandate. Through such order, the divine Dao leads to the Dao of divinely empowered humans by the Great Dao of mutual beneficence and natural solution. Divinely empowered humans is a concept which corresponds to the idea that 'Divine affairs are akin to those of humans.' Divine beings have human will and feelings in the afterlife, and due to their close relationship to human beings, they exercise an influence over human beings. They have human will and feelings while alive as well. In addition, they also have grievances and grudges. Such grievances and grudges can be resolved by mutual beneficence. And the divine affairs and activities move in accordance with Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate), Sangje's will, and the divine Dao. Therefore, it is a principle that divine beings should obey and an operational law in theonomy. Sangje's divine Dao and heavenly mandate accord with the Great Ultimate and are thereby revealed. Natural solutions can be reached when Divine beings and human beings gain awareness of this truth. To realize the divine Dao, humans and divine beings should practice the dao of benevolence, justice, propriety, wisdom, and they should rely on one another. Furthermore, this is done to accomplish the dao of heaven and earth.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.1-34
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• 2016

This paper aims to understand how Daesoonjinrihoe perceives the Later World. Daesoonjinrihoe supports to establish an earthly paradise through the re-creation of the real world unlike other religions which tend to relegate ultimate fulfillment to the afterlife. In other words, Daesoonjinrihoe endeavors to achieve their objectives in the human world rather than outside of it in a potential act of escapism. The new religions in Korea have been characterized by ethnocentrism and doctrines which present Koreans as the new chosen people by emphasizing Korea's crucial role in world leadership. However, the doctrine of Daesoonjinrihoe differ with other new religions of Korea in this regard as its purpose is to redeem the whole world. Daesoonjinrihoe proposes an open embrace of the religious diversity found in Korean society. Daesoonjinrihoe argues that the Later World has not come yet, even though the Former World is over and progress towards the Later World has already been set in motion. The meaning of human nobility is akin to anthropocentricity. According to a variety of myths and legends, animals and supernatural often attempt to become human. Moreover, it would not be an overstatement to assert that the re-creation of the real world and the Daesoon concept of human nobility correspond with these myths and legends. There were not definite interpretations regarding heaven in Confucianism historically, yet Daesoonjinrihoe differentiates clearly that heaven and Sangje are cosmic structures. Buddhism perceives that heaven separately exists as a cosmic structure and that Buddha is a transcendental entity, however; that entity is not accessible for intercession. On the contrary, the ways to save the world have been adduced in Daesoonjinrihoe. In addition, the earthly paradise of the Later World has likewise been introduced. Specifically, it is Sangje that opens the door to that paradise. Unresolved issues in the formation of a world view still persist. There are no shortage of studies on the notion of gods or divine beings, however; most of these studies focus on genealogical classification, forms, functions and other such topics. The concept of god, ghost, or soul does not seem to have been clearly defined in these studies nor has the relationship among these entities and humanity been satisfactorily examined. For example, if human beings become either gods or divine beings, questions regarding divine beings who have acted as protectors or guardians of human beings then arises. The Daesoon cosmology should be specifically compared to cosmology in Daoism. By conducting additional studies such as a comparative research with Daoism, it will be possible to interpret mantras and Daoist art as they appear in Daesoonjinrihoe in a thought-provoking way which can in turn be compared with other religions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.10 no.3 s.27
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• pp.7-23
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• 2001

We Koreans are very proud of this nation's cultural history over some five millenniums. But most of the relics found in the nation date back up to two thousand years. Under this circumstance, we are wondering the gap and missing of three thousand years. In our traditional literature of history, [Chiwoo] was a military god of supreme dignity and virtue. He was a symbol of brave and strong warriors and since the antiquity, he has been kept alive deeply in the mind of the Korean race. Considering findings through this study, the researcher could provide a conclusion as described below. 1) The name of Paekje's designed tiles was initially made by a Japanese scholar who had first found the antique relic. According to studies by a few of Korean researchers, the name is usually called despite its relation with a historical background of the excavated objects has not been fully studied. 2) After the patterned objects of the Korean antique Kingdom, Japanese researchers reported that [Chiwoo] was a military god as exorcist and probably represented something in the form of a ghost, although there were arguments that the military god was the very being to influence the image of the ghost. This report suggests that the Japanese community didn't downgrade the military god onto the level of a ghost. 3) One of our antique nations, Paekje at that time sought to determine the origin and culture of the Koreans by making multiple exchange relations with China, and probably accepting cultures of the Chinese Han nation and those of the Chinese South and North Dynasty period. Based on findings from a relevant literature, [Sulyigi], people of Paekje attempted to show express the image of Chiwoo in their own unique ways and then deliver the strong bravery of [Chiwoo] to us, or their descendents. This can explain that those findings as above mentioned are consistent with the designed tiles of Paekje, and that the tiles should not be named as the design of ghost. 4) The designed tiles involved elements of Taoism and Buddhism and substantially considered the spirit of four gods which was mobilized for the tomb construction and selection at that time. But this should never be a reason why all of the horned figures seen in tomb wall paintings are collectively treated as ghosts. 5) From the view of historic literature, we can no doubt say that the Heavenly Emperor [Chiwoo] was our ancestor. It is not better to say that the relic stuffs as excavated should be referred to the design of ghost image only in that they have yet to be associated historically with other relics. This claim would be newly changed as it becomes clear with historical remains that our antique ancestors kept doing positive activities along the coast of the antique kingdom, Balhae.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.55 no.4 s.94
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• pp.138-150
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• 2005

Phrygia headgear has an important meaning from the perspectives of costume history and cultural exchanges in ancient times. This study is to investigate the prototype of Phrygia headgear through analysis of its manufacturing methods and styles on the basis of prior studies on ancient sculptures and literatures conducted by European researchers and to examine its history and meanings. In these ways, this study will be helpful in understanding the importance of Phrygia headgear in cultural exchanges between the East and the West. Results of this study can be summarized as follows: Phrygia headgear was orn by eastern tribes, so it was a symbol of those from the east in ancient times. Phrygia headgear is frequently found in Greek artistic works of 5th to 4th century BC that depicted eastern tribes. Also, this headgear can be observed in artistic works for Mithras, Attis, or other gods. Since Phrygia headgear's shape is similar to that of Homer's helm, many researchers believe that it might be originated from Homer's helm. This headgear made of oxen scrotum(stierbeutel) or its surrounding skin has a long end at the top. This long end is round and drooping toward the front side. From such unique shape, we top. This long end is round and drooping toward the front side. From such unique shape, we top. This long end is round and drooping toward the front side. From such unique shape, we can draw a conclusion that Phrygia headgear was made of oxen scrotum and its surrounding skin. Dependingy on drooping patterns, there are various shapes, such as the round, tightly swollen one worn by Mithras, the tongue-shaped one found in Basilika S. Apolinare Nuovo's mosaic depicting three wise men, the balloon-shaped one frequently found in Greek vases depicting Scythian, and the one drooping to the side depicted in Alexandersarkophag. Further, some Phrygia headgear has covers for neck and ears. For example, Phrygia headgear worn by Persian Satrap tribe has such covers attached to the head part. Meanwhile, Phrygia headgear worn by Amazone tribe does not show such separate covers, Rather, one piece of oxen skin was tanned and finished to make such covers. Wearing Phrygia headgear can be interpreted in several ways. Use of animal's skin for wearing things is a unique aspect in ancient societies because they believed that wearing animal skin would give them power of the animal. Further, Phrygia headgear made of oxen scrotum was a symbol of reproductive power to women.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.219-243
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• 1988

The sacrificial rite has its origin in the old China's primitive folkways faith based upon animism (B.C. 25c). From the animistic faith, Confucianism made its appearance in B.C. 551. Inevitably, the procedure of Confucian sacrificial rite was developed on the basis of the preceding primitive faith. In Korean culture, the god of Chinese Confucianism introduced to Korea in A.D. 108 was mixed properly with that of Buddhism imported in A.D. 372. Traditionally, Korean primitive religion (from B.C. 10c to B.C. 2c) was the sacrificial rite practiced by 'shaman.' The 'shaman' who was able to utilize ecstasy for the good of community was gods itself, and naturally the main form of the sacrificial rite was an exorcism with a sacrificial offering (food). After Korean primitive religion had been grafted to Buddhism and Confucianism, the character of Korean culture had to become compound. The most essential conception in sacrificial rite is a discrimination of a ghost, one is the evil spirit and the other is the good spirit. According to this conception, the good spirit is a spirit which ascended to heaven, in contrast, the evil spirit is a one which did not ascend to heaven and dispersed into this world. The sacrificial rite is a method to help the evil spirit ascend to heaven or to prevent harms from it. The mode of sacrificial rite especially the dead ancestor worship was transmitted from generation to generation as a purpose of the wealth and honors of descendants. Descendants believed that the evil spirit would not harm them only after receiving sufficient food and the right sacrifice. As a result, the sacrificial rite food was the sign of filial piety and a compensation for the evil spirit. How did the Korean religious culture which was consisted of three different religions-Shamanism, Buddhism. Confucianism-be combined and transformed? The author focused the mixture and transformation of the procedure of sacrificial rite and the arrangement of sacrificial food in each religion. In this thesis, the author studied first, the conception in sacrificial rite, second, the items of sacrificial rite food according to each period. In consequence of the research, each religion had lost its uniqueness and became mixed to each other and settle down in Korean culture.