• Analytical Science and Technology
• /
• v.8 no.4
• /
• pp.419-425
• /
• 1995

A method has been investigated for the determination of selenium and tellurium in Ginseng, Ganoderma and Garlic using hydride generation atomic absorption spectrometry(HG-AAS). The concentration effects of hydrochloric acid and sodium tetrahydroborate on the hydride generation for the determination of selenium and tellurium were investigated. The method of sample decomposition was also investigated using various mineral acids, such as nitric, perchloric and sulfuric acid in the closed system, and foreign ion effects containing in the samples were studied. The calibration curves of selenium and tellurium were obtained in the range of 0~40 ppb. The detection limits(S/N=2) of selenium and tellurium are 0.1 and 0.2 ppb. Analytical data of selenium and tellurium in Garlic, Ganoderma and Ginseng are 289, 296 and 198 ng/g for selenium and 146, 127 and 110 ng/g for tellurium, respectively.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
• /
• v.23 no.5
• /
• pp.533-545
• /
• 2013

A type of Korean traditional cookies, yackwa is composed of ingredients which serve as good medicine to people. Further, it has a priceless value and possibility to be a healthy functional dessert. For this study, we developed variable yackwa, containing red-ginseng powder and green tea powder, in order to target the foreign market as well as to investigate the perception and preference of yackwa. The test sample for the control group, yackwa is made of flour, sugar, baking powder, sesame oil and alcohol. For the experimental group, yackwa contains red-ginseng and green tea powder (3, 6, 9, 12%). The investigation period was May 14th, 2013 and the total number of participants was 100. The investigation applied a consumer survey method by filling out a questionnaire while tasting 9 kinds of yackwa samples. They were used for frequency, one-way ANOVA and Pearson's correlation analysis with SPSS 19.0. In the yackwa perception survey, the result indicated that 52.0% of the customers replied 'Do not know well' and 'Do not know at all' which conveys that the perception of yackwa is very low. In contrast, the perception of the red-ginseng and green tea which are functional ingredients is high and the customers tend to prefer the taste and flavor of green tea than red-ginseng. And they prefer the yackwa containing 3% of red-ginseng and green tea powder compared to other ratio contents in the overall preference, color, taste, flavor, odor, degree of greasiness and texture. When people who have a higher perception of yackwa, they tended to prefer the color of red-ginseng yackwa and dislike the color of green tea yackwa. And the more people prefer the taste of green tea, the higher in overall preference, color, taste, flavor, and odor preference.

• 한국약용작물학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2011.04a
• /
• pp.230-231
• /
• 2011

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
• /
• v.18 no.3
• /
• pp.825-829
• /
• 2004

This study was carried out to differentiate the origins of Astragalus membranaceus Bunge and A. membranaceus Bunge var. mogholicus Nakai. To identify the variation of the RAPD patterns between domestic and foreign Astragalus species, 40 random primers were applied to ten accessions of A. membranaceus and six accessions of A. membranaceus var. mogholicus genomic DNA, respectively, Ten primers of 40 primers could be used to discriminate the origins and 33 polymorph isms among 44 scored DNA fragments (33 fragments are specific for A. membranaceus and A. membranaceus var. mogholicus) were generated using these primers, 75.0 % of which were polymorphic. Especially, three primers of ten primers, OPA17, OPA11 and OPB11, were useful to differentiate between domestic and foreign Astragalus species. RAPD data from the 10 primers were used for cluster analysis and cluster analysis of RAPD markers showed that the two groups are distinct genetically. Consequently, RAPD analysis was a useful method to discriminate between A. membranaceus and A. membranaceus var. mogholicus.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.28-42
• /
• 2019

What is unknown about Leibniz (Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, 1646~1716), a great philosopher and mathematician, is that he inquired about ginseng. Why Leibniz, one of the leading figures of the Enlightenment, became interested in ginseng? This paper excavates Leibniz's references on ginseng in his vast amount of correspondences and traces the path of his personal life and cultural context where the question about ginseng arose. From the sixteenth century, Europe saw a notable growth of medical botany, due to the rediscovery of such Greek-texts as Materia Medica and the introduction of a variety of new plants from the New World. In the same context, ginseng, the renowned panacea of the Old World began to appear in a number of European travelogues. As an important part of mercantilistic projects, major scientific academies in Europe embarked on the researches of valuable foreign plants including ginseng. Leibniz visited such scientific academies as the Royal Society in London and $Acad{\acute{e}}mie$ royale des sciences in Paris, and envisioned to establish such scientific society in Germany. When Leibniz visited Rome, he began to form a close relationship with Jesuit missionaries. That opportunity amplified his intellectual curiosity about China and China's famous medicine, ginseng. He inquired about the properties of ginseng to Grimaldi and Bouvet who were the main figures in Jesuit China mission. This article demonstrates ginseng, the unnoticed subject in the Enlightenment, could be an important clue that interweaves the academic landscape, the interactions among the intellectuals, and the mercantilistic expansion of Europe in the late 17th century.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.122-125
• /
• 1992

The essential oils from whole plant, flower, seed, stem and leaves of domestic chamomile were extracted by simultaneous distillation-extraction and analyzed by GC/ MSD/IRD and retention index matching. The experimental results revealed the presence of over 31 volatile components. Major components were chamazulene, bisabolol, bisabolol oxide A, B. The contents of these major components which possess the pharmacological effects were found to be flower(75.1%), seed(76.6%), stem and leaves(10.09%), whole plant (48.9%), respectively, in domestic chamoile oil, whereas found to be flower(49.2%) in foreign chamomile oil. These results suggest that the usefulness of domestic chamomile is promising because of high contents of these four major components which posses pharmacological effects.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.5
• /
• pp.32-51
• /
• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.102 no.2
• /
• pp.182-188
• /
• 2013

In this study we investigated that the mountain-cultivated ginseng into persimmon vinegar fused material on blood lipids and anti-oxidant capacity in rats. A 4-year-old mountain-cultivated ginseng was ripened with 4-year-matured persimmon vinegar, and then it was diluted 5 times and orally administerd to rats. The rats were divided into a control group (CON), a persimmon vinegar group (PV) and a mountain-cultivated ginseng + persimmon vinegar fusion material group (MPV). The body weight was found to be low in MPV, and amount of the stored fats were also low in PV and MPV. Blood lipids were found to be low in PV and MPV compared to the CON. HDL-C (high density lipoprotein cholesterol) was found to be significantly high in these two groups. Liver Cu,Zn-SOD (superoxide dismutase) and GPx (glutathione peroxidase) were CON < PV < MPV, in sequence, with significance. Especially, it was the highest in MPV. Liver MDA (malondialdehyde) concent was MPV < PV, CON, in sequence, with significance. These results suggested that the fusion material lowers blood lipids and enhance anti-oxidant capacity. We carefully thought that it might be used effectively as a health food.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.11-27
• /
• 2019

The Jurchens, the ancestors of the Qing Manchus, had lived scattered in Manchuria and had made their living mostly on ginseng gathering and animal hunting. Their residential areas, rich with deep forest and numerous rivers, provided great habitation for all kinds of flora and fauna, but not so proper for agriculture. Based on their activities of foraging and hunting, the Jurchens developed a unique social organization that was later transformed into the Banner System, the most distinctive Qing military institution. By the sixteenth century, that the external trade brought considerable changes to Jurchen society. A huge amount of foreign silver, imported from Japan and South America to China, first invigorated commercial economy in China proper, and later caused a huge influence on Ming frontier regions, including Manchuria. In the late sixteenth century when the tradition of foraging and hunting encountered with silver economy, the Jurchen tribes became unified after years of competition and transformed themselves into the Manchus to build the Qing empire in 1636. In 1644 the Manchus succeeded in conquering the China Proper and moved into Beijing. Even after that, the Manchu imperial court never forgot the value of Manchurii ginseng; instead, they paid great efforts to monopolize this profitable root. Until the late seventeenth century, the Qing court used the Banner System to manage Manchurian ginseng. The banner soldiers stationed in Manchuria checked unauthorized civilian entrances in this frontier and protected its ginseng producing mountains from the Han Chinese people. All the process of ginseng gathering was managed by the institutions under the direct control of the imperial court, such as the Imperial Household Department, the Butha Ula Office, and the Three Upper Banner in Shengjing. Banner soldiers were dispatched to the given mountains, collect the given amount of ginseng, and send them to the imperial court in Beijing. The state monopoly of ginseng was maintained throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under the principle that Manchuria and its natural resources should be guarded from civilian encroachment. At the same time, Manchurian ginseng was considered as an important source of state revenue. The imperial court and financial bureau wanted to collect ginseng as much as they needed. By the late seventeenth century as the ginseng management by the banner soldiers failed in securing the ginseng tax, the Qing court began to invite civil merchants to ginseng business. During the eighteenth century the Qing ginseng policy became more dependent on civil merchants, both their money and management. In 1853 the Qing finally ended the ginseng monopoly, but it was before the early eighteenth century that wealthy merchants hired ginseng gatherers and paid ginseng tax to the state. The Qing monopoly of ginseng was in fact maintained by the active participation of civil merchants in the ginseng business.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.3
• /
• pp.11-37
• /
• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.