• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.24-51
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• 2021

Since June 2006, there have been active efforts to systematize the permission system including the amendment of [Cultural Heritage Protection Act]. Cultural Heritage Administration prepared standards on reviewing each type of cultural heritages(CH) in 2015, promoted a project on the modification of permission standards and showed remarkable performances in quantitative aspects. But as there has been little change for the cases applied for permission, additional studies on policy are required to improve the management efficiency and reduce the citizens'inconvenience. In response, this study aims to identify the actual management status on the current state alteration permission system, and establish practically utilizable reference materials at permission review. While historic sites(HS) constitute a relatively small proportion in state-designated CHs, they are subject to the designation of permission standards. Also, with their location in the downtown area, the application rate is high (51.4%) and the results are commonly utilizable to other types of CH. We constructed a DB based on the minutes of Cultural Heritage Committee(CHC) on HS and categorized similar features in permission handling results. The result of the analysis is as follows. Out of a total of 5,243 cases for permission applied for HS, 1,734 cases of cultural heritage areas(CHA) and 3,509 cases of historic and cultural environment preservation areas(HCEPA) have been applied. CHA has a great proportion of the applications for events and festivals, which are highly related to CHs or representing the local area. There is a high permission rate on applications for the purpose of public service by local governments. Meanwhile, HCEPA has a high proportion of applying for the installation and extension of buildings and facilities at the private level. Thus, negative decisions were made for tall buildings, massed facilities, or suspected scattering of similar acts. Our actual condition analysis has identified a total of 78 types of harmful acts which may influence the preservation of CHs. 31 types in CHA and 37 types in HCEPA are categorized. Especially, 10 common types of permission have been confirmed in both sectors. As a result, it is expected to secure consistency in the permission administration, enhance the management efficiency and improve the public's satisfaction over the regulatory administration by providing practically utilizable reference materials for altering the current state of CH and for decision making on the part of CHC.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.48 no.6
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• pp.16-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze the usage behavior of Seoullo 7017, the first public garden in Korea, to understand the usage status by analyzing blogs, and to present usage behavior and improvement plans for Seoullo 7017. From June 2017 to May 2020, after Seoullo 7017 was open to citizens, character data containing 'Seoullo 7017' in the title and contents of NAVER and·DAUM blogs were converted to text mining and socialization, a Big Data technique. The analysis was conducted using social network analysis. The summary of the research results is as follows. First of all, the ratio of men and women searching for Seoullo 7017 online is similar, and the regions that searched most are in the order of Seoul and Gyeonggi, and those in their 40s and 50s were the most interested. In other words, it can be seen that there is a lack of interest in regions other than Seoul and Gyeonggi and among those in their 10s, 20s, and 30s. The main behaviors of Seoullo 7017 are' night view' and 'walking', and the factors that affect culture and art are elements related to culture and art. If various programs and festivals are opened and actively promoted, the main behavior will be more varied. On the other hand, the main behavior that the users of Seoullo 7017 want is 'sit', which is a static behavior, but the physical conditions are not sufficient for the behavior to occur. Therefore, facilities that can cause sitting behavior, such as shades and benches must be improved to meet the needs of visitors. The peculiarity of the change in the behavior of Seoullo 7017 is that it is recognized as a good place to travel alone and a good place to walk alone as a public multi-use facility and group activities are restricted due to COVID-19. Accordingly, in a situation like the COVD-19 pandemic, more diverse behaviors can be derived in facilities where people can take a walk, etc., and the increase of various attractions and the satisfaction of users can be increased. Seoullo 7017, as Korea's first public pedestrian area, was created for urban regeneration and the efficient use of urban resources in areas beyond the meaning of public spaces and is a place with various values such as history, nature, welfare, culture, and tourism. However, as a result of the use behavior analysis, various behaviors did not occur in Seoullo 7017 as expected, and elements that hinder those major behaviors were derived. Based on these research results, it is necessary to understand the usage behavior of Seoullo 7017 and to establish a plan for spatial system and facility improvement, so that Seoullo 7017 can be an important place for urban residents and a driving force to revitalize the city.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.171-199
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• 2009

This paper started with my effort to find connections between Empty Hands, which was put on the stage at the Mime House in Chuncheon, Gangwon Province, and Jindo Ssitgimgut. The mimist Yu Jin-gyu(58) adopted so many elements from Jindo Ssitgimgut for his performance that I felt that it was the pantomime version of Jindo Ssitgimgut. Of course, the pantomime took the form of gut based on shamanism in terms of story. Watching the pantomime, I once again saw the possibility of developing Korea's cultural archetypes into cultural contents. Helen Lannaghan, the art director of London International Mime Festival of 2005, saw his performance at the conference of Chuncheon International Mime Festival and invited it to the London International Mime Festival praising that it's full of Korean elements, minimalist, and modern at the same time. In fact, Empty Hands, which boasts great harmony among the Korean objet, Oriental thoughts, Samulnori, and Western contemporary mime, was invited to many foreign festivals including the Mimos International Mime Festival in 2000, Polish International Mime Festival in 2001, Mongol's International Mime Festival in 2002, and Belgium's International Mime Festival in 2003. In addition, it's recognized for its artistic values and had a chance to shine in another international setting at the London International Mime Festival whose reputations have been worldwide. All those achievements are the result of Yu's constant effort to reflect Korean elements through his movements. What I saw in his pantomime was the possibility that plays based on Korea's cultural archetypes such as Jindo Ssitgimgut could play an important role as a global content of performance culture. Pursuing the possibility further, I analyzed the factors that brought the worldwide recognition to Empty Hands and searched for the ways to create solid storytelling with Jindo Ssitgimgut and make a huge hit on the international stage. It should be noted once more that the pantomime Empty Hands launched Korea's unique performance culture to the world stage by making great use of the traditional Korean cultural contents.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.299-327
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• 2018

The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.193-222
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• 2020

In this study, the development of traditional contents is to be enabled to succeed the values of the heritage on the song sang during dry-field farming of Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori. In addition, the identity on the heritage of songs sang during farming were diagnosed, and their value in context with the history and the value as the community for succession are emphasized as the value of cultural asset to expand the discussion up to the level of traditional cultural industry works. In the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori, the intrinsic artistic value, the excellence of value as the educational experience, factor for overcoming the extinction of farming songs, and the promotion direction of the storytelling on buckwheat were provided. This is breaking from the formalization and being old-fashioned on the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori to focus on the symbolization of the agricultural heritage in the modern context, habituating and spreading the gene of slash-and-burn field (hwajeon or budaeki). In terms of methodology on awareness, historicity or creativity, alternative method on the folk songs in labor was provided by having critical mind on the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori and buckwheat songs. By reviewing the field contextualization of designating the intangible cultural asset, suggestions were made on activating the succession, and even the method of symbolic registration on the heritage of buckwheat farming was mentioned. Heritage on agricultural culture that can represent Pyeongchang and Gangwon must be discovered to be made into a brand. In addition, the uniqueness in the Madang 'Song Madaengi Traditional Music' must be found to apply as the brand on the point in which the people around the world can have consensus for utilization. As the farming song, rediscovery of the Bongpyeong Memil-dorikkaejil-sori is required to create the sustainable status as the multi-purpose cultural contents and provide the network of professionals for activating the folk songs to enable the opportunity of qualitative substantiality and spread instead of quantitative growth. In addition, festivals for each region, especially the festival for Pyeongchang area must be utilized centrally on the development of farming songs to organize the storytelling actively.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.