• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.47-64
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• 2010

This paper presents an analysis of death rituals in West Sumatra, Indonesia. The death rituals become social events as a family and society members help each other to organize a funeral, hold Koran recital, and manage fundraising for the events. In addition, such rituals are also part of religious and cultural teaching that should be conducted by its followers. The rituals change from time to time in terms of fundraising management and holding the ceremonies. This paper, therefore, observes the changes of the death rituals from being sacred to profane involving social parties in the events and views the events as socially formed rituals. There are also economic practices in celebrating the rituals, where people have to gather funds and manage manpower in the event.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 1998

This study has a subject for the detached houses and mass housing ( alias dictus, Apartment) on the Dae Gu urban area, and has a process of surveying and analyzing the actual using states of dweller in the residential space and has an object of finding the behavioral pattern of the spatial using corresponded to the living activities. As its result, a cultural searching for urban housing is disciplined with the positive study for surveying the living contents emerged form the residential spaces. Limited into sleeping, eating, hosting, familiarity and family ritual, where and how the living activities is appeared according as the housing types and floor types, and what different and common features of its spatial using is possessed, is focused on this study. As Conclusion, it is found that each living activities are differed in the spatial using behavior according to the housing and floor types, but genetically are inherited by the traditional custom. Thus two behavial directions of dweller in public residential architecture have to be reconsidered in the urban housing culture.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.57-66
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• 2014

With regard to the pavilion buildings of Imcheonggak Gunjajeong and Donglakdang Gyejeong that are located within residential areas, this study focused on the construction background, the building owner's circumstances and the location environment of these buildings, and attempted to derive the architectural characteristics presented by these two pavilion buildings and, through this, to grasp the architect's intention of plan. The results of this study are as follows. With regard to Gunjajeong, it could be confirmed that, first, it is located in a propitious site and took the composition that follows the family ritual standards for the family rituals of the scholar-gentry class and opens to visitor access, and second, the floor height of the site and interior space was designed so that Munpilbong on the south and the Sarangchae on the west, and the Sadang on the east can be connected visually, and third, the authority and dignity of the head family were built through the symmetric 丁-shaped plane figure, the wide partition module, the form-centered building, and the hierarchical composition of the roof. On the other hand, with regard to Gyejeong, it could be confirmed that, first, it is located along the stream of Jagye valley that has no mountains in the front and in the back and took the composition that put the name symbolizing Taoist thoughts on the surrounding natural environment and was closed to visitor access but opens to nature, and second, with Jagye and Jagye surroundings as the main landscape, it built the concept of intended landscape that symbolizes the Taoist thoughts by giving names not only simply to the visible objects but also to surrounding rocks, and third, the asymmetric ㄱ-shaped plane composed a yard-centered space rather than emphasizing the shape, and connected the part of the plane with Jagye so as to be embodied as a personal inner self-perfecting place that closely communicates only with nature away from the mundane world.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.33
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• pp.153-184
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• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 2007

Korean children's clothes have unique aesthetic characteristics distinguished from other countries'. Our folk beliefs handed down from ancient times always contained fortune - seeking thoughts and particularly mothers' earnest wishes for the happiness of their children were sublimated into the symbolic beauty of their children's clothes. The present study examined children's clothes in the royal family and among the people for 50 years of the transitional period from the late Joseon Dynasty to modern times, by classifying them into ritual dress for new-born babies, festival dress and everyday dress. Male children's clothes included caps such as Bokgeon(복건), Hogeon(호건) and Gulle(굴레) topcoats such as Durumagi(두루마기), Sagyusam(사규삼) Koija(쾌자) and Jeonbok(전복) and others such as Magoja(마고자), Baeja(배자), Joggi(조끼) and Bajijeogori(바지저고리), Female children's clothes included caps and head ornaments such as Gulle, Jobawi(조바위) and Daenggi(댕기) and others such as Durumagi, Jegori and Chima(치마). What is interesting is that old clothes handed down to the present are mostly boys' and few of them are girls'. This is probably because of the strong preference for boys rather than girls that continued until the end of the 20th century. Ordinary people dressed their new - born babies with simple white clothes until Samchilil (the 21st day) or Baekil (the 100thday) but, for these occasions, the royal family prepared clothes as formal as those for the $1^{st}$ birthday among the public. Rainbow-striped garments were more popular among the public than in the royal family. As rainbow colors were known to Korean people to dispel evil power and bring in fortunes, rainbow - striped garments were essential for the $1^{st}$ birthday and festive days. However, they were seldom used in ordinarytimes, and most boys and girls wore plain jackets and plain topcoats. When children's clothes in noble families were compared with royal family's ones, either handed down to the present or found in old literature, no significant difference was observed in the basic composition of everyday dress. In particular, it was found that Andong Kim's family had dressed their children with very formal dress such as Dopo and Sagyusam. Among children's clothes, the most gorgeous one was that worn on the $1^{st}$ birthday, and those for other occasions or festive days were similar or simpler. Colors, patterns and designs used in decorating children's clothes mostly had the meanings of seeking fortunes for children such as long life, wealth and prosperity.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.113-127
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• 2005

From the ancient times, incense was used for various usages including a means of beauty expression with flavor, a medicine for disease treatment and a device for religious event or ritual. The period of T'ang was the times when cultural and material exchanges with foreign countries were very actively made under the political openness of the Chinese nation. Here the exchanges were made mainly through inland trade, called Silk Road(絲綢之路) and marine trade routes, Incense Road(香料之路). This indicates that incense was one of the main items actively traded at that time. In addition, literatures of the T'ang period show that in the Chinese nation, a wide range of classes from the imperial family to the public used incense for many different purposes. This suggests that the culture of incense was deeply prevailed and very socially significant in T'ang. This study investigated social factors that promoted the incense culture of T'ang and the applications and types of incense widely used in the period of T'ang. First, influential religions and the openness of sex culture were main social factors that made incense culture flourish in the period of T'ang. Above all, two main religions of the Chinese nation, Buddhism and Taoism became secularized under political protection by the imperial family. As Buddhism was popularized, the Buddhist ritual of incense burning made a contribution to making public incense culture. Providing its doctrines of eternal youth and eternal life, Taoism necessarily used incense to form a Taoistic climate. The flourishment of the foresaid religion in T'ang added more fuel to that of incense culture in the Chinese nation. The openness of sex culture brought about the Inauguration of the empress, improvement in female position and free relationships between man and woman. It was accelerated by sexology as a method of eternal youth provided by Taoism. The opened culture also developed the culture of kibang where female entertainers called kinyeo consumed lots of incense for decoration and sexual desire stimulation. These open climates of T'ang society made a great contribution to making incense culture, especially for decoration, prevailed throughout the Chinese nation. Second, types of incense prevailed and widely used in the period of T'ang included olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香), myrrh Resinoid(沒藥), jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香), all of which were imported from foreign nations and had various applications. Specifically, olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香) and myrrh Resinoid(沒藥) were used for religious purposes while, jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香) for the purposes of religion and decoration. In conclusion, a number of social factors including political, religious and medical purposes and the openness of sex culture set fundamentals on which the culture of incense was extensively developed and established as a social trend in T'ang. In the Chinese nation, incense culture was not just an option for taste, but a part of life style social members needed to know. People of T'ang not only enjoyed incense mainly for purposes of religion, pleasure and make-up, but also had the wisdom to know various effects of incense, curiosity about such new things and the will to imitate and pursue alien culture, resultantly flourishing incense culture. Thus the culture of incense represented many social aspects of T'ang.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.