• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

While there are a few ways of giving meanings to the term, "Altai" ranging from a language family to a national residing around the Altai Mountains in Russian Federation, and to the people speaking the language or the whole area where they live, there have been controversial debates whether it is a meaningful categorization. This paper argues that the basic cause lying beneath the controversies is the underdevelopment of the subject that identifies itself as a representative of the whole area where the Altaic language family is spoken. It might be true, as some Korean and Russian scholars insist, that what deserves to be called Altaic culture (or civilization) has provided a common culture and mutual interactions with the people. However, the Altaic people failed to constitute themselves as a meaningful modern group, that is a nation, and they did not fully develop national consciousness, As a result, although their way of life may be regarded as an origin of various cultures across North-East Asia, Altaic culture is not sufficient to give a momentum to claim for cultural initiative in the region. This comes at least partly from the reconfiguration of ethnic identity through a Soviet type of modernization and its geopolitical situation surrounded by super-powers such as China and Russia, as well as belated import of religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. From a wide perspective, the trouble about delimiting an area is not unique in Altai, but universally found in anywhere, as far as area studies are concerned. The delimitation of an area is not a natural outcome of physical environment but an artificial production of how cultural-political relationships have been distributed. Therefore, while the case of Alai has its own specificities, its implications that a national or regional boundary in area studies should not be taken for granted may be applied to other areas.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.245-258
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• 1988

A food life style itself is substrative relations with culture, and is concerned with our daily life. Especially a food taboo comes from the intelligence which resulted from an ancestor's life experience. Accordingly, we can say a food taboo began with human appearance, settled in convention of folklore society, and forms it's own boundary todays. Since a practice of a food taboo is combinded firmly with various sociological factors such as religion, custom, and so on, it is very hard to change, even though the belife of a food taboo is not true. According to the result, first, significant factors effecting on a practice of a food taboo was a level of age, a level of education, religion, family pattern, behavior of subject and her mother for food life management, education of subject and her mother, and religion of subject and her mother. Second, in analysis of factors according to classification of food taboo a practice of a food taboo which classified to food of animal, food of plant and the other food showed significant differences, comparing religion of subject with her mother. Third, a result examined practice frequency and review of science, non science indicated that foods such as Egg of Globefish, Lettuce, Coffee, Persimmon, dried Persimmon, Soybean and Sugar are tabooed on the basis of science, and foods such as Vinegary food, Thieved food, Soup of Tangle and Dogmeat tabooed on the basis of non science. But in the case of Puja, it's basis of science is not identified. These food taboos are tabooed by more then 50% of subjects including who answerd 'there is some case to practice it' Therefore, we should continue analysis of science for the reason of a food taboo, at the same time, provide the origin and try to have a rational food life.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.29 no.3 s.54
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• pp.555-563
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• 1996

Nationwide incidence survey was conducted to estimate the annual incidence rates of colorectal cancer among Koreans between Jan 1, 1988 and Dec 31, 1989. The population of the incidence survey was the beneficiaries of Korea Medical Insurance Corporation (KMIC), which were about 4,500,000 persons. The medical records of patients with diagnosis of either ICD-9 153(colon cancer), 154(rectal caner), 197(secondary malignant neoplasm of digestive and respiratory system), or 211(benign neoplasm of digestive system) were abstracted for the period with the standard format. The diagnosis was confirmed by one oncologist through the review of these abstracts. The numerator of the rate was finally defined as the incident colorectal cancer cases diagnosed between July 1, 1988 and June 30, 1989. The crude annual incidence of colorectal cancer for men was 13.1 per 100,000 and 10.6 for women, which was still low when compared with those of Japan and China during the same period. Age-adjusted sex ratio was 1.2 for right-sided colon cancer and 1.9 for left-sided colon cancer. The excess of right colon cancer among postmenopausal women was remarkable, so further analytical approach would be needed to investigate which factors are related with this phenomenon.

• Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.163-175
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• 2015

This study aimed to analyze factors of importance and performance picked by customers of Bibijeong, a farm restaurant operated by the local community of Wanju-gun. Major points include: Recognition paths mostly were word of mouth and mass media, types of visit were in the company of friends, family members or work colleagues, and purposes of visit included consumption of meal and identifying features of the restaurant. Secondly, factor analysis showed that level of facility, atmosphere/cleanness, diversity of menu, employees, ingredients and network. The Cronbach Alpha coefficient was +0.6. Thirdly, average of importance of factors was 3.861 while average performance was 3.429. IPA analysis showed that employee(communication, customer contact) in the first quadrant proved the need for fast improvement through training. Atmosphere/cleanness (interior atmosphere, table clean, kitchen cleanliness, clean dishes, interion design) and employee(proficiency, menu recognition), foodstuff(freshness, origin, safety) in the second quadrant showed that the marketing strategy of improvement as well as maintaining current status is needed, including regular training and hygiene inspection. The third quadrant contains facilities(disability, baby, fire protection) and food menu(food packing, various menu, creative menu, menu description), network(village economic links), which showed the need for gradual improvement. The forth quadrant contains network(sights's near contains. The results so far can be summed into the statement that overcoming the basic functionality of providing meals and linking the restaurant with local attractions and local economy would be need, as well as building up the image of unique farm restaurant with local features, so that Bibijeong can serve as the centerpiece of community and foundation of exchange with other areas.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.140-159
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• 1994

Heraldry, which originated from the culture of knights in the 12th century, came to be drawn on shields, and was inherited as a symbol of the family at the end of the 12th century and developed rapidly through the 13th and 14th century. Afterwards heraldry was in great vogue and used in the shields, clothes of men and women, armors, housings and flags. Therefore the citizen class as well as nobles and knights came to possess heraldry. In particular parti-color and impaled coat were accepted in the clothes, and served the dual purpose of status symbol and ornament in the 13th century. It can be said that the appearance of heraldry on the clothes was typical of the Middle Ages. The origin, generally accepted, was that the crusaders wore the surcots, also known as the cyclases, on the armors to prevent the powerful sun of Syria and dust of deserts, and to prevent the armors from rusting due to moisture. As the surcot was made of white linen or white silk till the beginning of the 13th century, knight's heraldry came to be put on the surcot in order to identify each corps. According as the coat of mail covering all the body was devised, the same heraldry attached on the shield seemed to appear on the clothes of surcot or jupon(afterwards pourpoint) in order to identify the status in the battlefield and tournament. Heraldry, a system of mark in the 12th century, was used as a symbol of authority of the upper class such as the Royal House, nobles and knights, and may have been mysterious instruments in the Milddle Ages. However, in the modern times of the 20th century heraldry has come to be a kind of symbol marks such as badges and banners symbolizing the hallmark of the goods of enterprises, organizations and groups. Heraldry, existing up to now, of the individuals as well as international organizations can be seen as a result of deep-rooted tradition for esthetic appreciation and symbolism for heraldry.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.12 no.1 s.26
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• pp.1-11
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• 1988

This study dealt with the Dopo, one of the representative ceremonial dress that acclasical scholar used after the middle of the period of the Chosun dynasty. This study represents the period of Dopo's formation and its origin, and the characteristics of the weary of Dopo in Young Dong Province Area is arranged by folkloric method on the base of the exisitng facilities. Dopo has worn since the middle of the period of the Chosun dynasty. It is the kind of Jig young Po that its back is cuffed for convenience and has another cloth as a ceremonial dress. It is thought to be one of the national customs pos formed by the mixture of the big sleeve type which is influenced by confusion life feeling. It seemed that the name of DoPo comes from the Jigchal, an ordinary dress of a high official in China, which is call Dopo. This Dopo is changed and received and so disappeared but it is still used such as ceremonial dress, the necessary articles for marriage of the bride, a bridegroom's liturgical vestments of a memorial service held on the anniversary of the death of a person, mourning dress and a shroud grave clothes. This area has different characters on wearing customs. It is changed into the kind of Dopo, with its back not cutting. The hemp sack is almost used as its subject matter. It doesn't have collar strip for the classification of one's family in any case, and Dopo which is prepared for necessary articles for marriage can not be taken tack after seperating by divorce.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50
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• pp.33-50
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• 2000

A comparative and an analysis of the resemblance and the particularity of the women's headgear which has been developed in accordance with each of climate and historical beck ground of the Eastern Slavs: the Russians the Belarusians and the Ukrainians those are deeply influenced by the culture of costume of the Scythians which is considered as the origin of the Koreans culture of costume is presented in this study. A well-known Russian ethnographer D. K. Jelenin classifies the women's head gear of the Eastern Slavs as a platok a chepetch a shapka and a unmarried women's venetch by its structural figure. Those 4 kinds of head gears are the basic head gears of the Eastern Slavic woman. However the characteristics and the features of the head gears of the Eastern Slavic woman However the characteristics and the features of the head gears of each nations show us that they have been developed differently not only by the climatic and the geological influences but also by the influence of their historical background. Furthermore we could realize that the Eastern Slavs had classified a person's social position and a standing in family members by the head gear. The incantational and the religious meanings of the hair styles and the head gears are shown in this paper. For instance they has been considered that a married woman without a hat is a disgrace and it even affects to the harvest. Even they believed that a corn styled Russian woman's hat named "Roga" protects a mother and her baby from the evil spirit. It seems that such a ethnographical culture is caused by their own faith of Russian orthodox and a non-Christian ancient religious culture of those regions.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.57-76
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• 2001

This study was intended to make a comparative analysis of the plastic features of Korean and Japanese dragon patterns found in the process of recreating traditions in comtemporary fashion based on the investigation into the style of expression in relation to the origin, formative evolution, symbolism and traditional costume of the dragon. The form of the dragon has evolved with some similarity and peculiarity between both countries and been changed into many kinds and diverse forms such as the humorous dragon pattern of the Yi Dynasty and the simplified and designed dragon pattern symbolizing the Japanese family crest and the like, Its symbolism has lasted in terms of the sacrificial object, royal power, good omen, Buddhist guardian and the like. There is a difference in the aesthetic sense due to the different traditions and cultural background between Korea and Japan, and the dragon pattern found in the process of recreating the tradition in comtemporary fashion manifested itself as the peculiar aspect. An attempt was made to make a comparative analysis of the dragon pattern found in comtemporary fashion between Korea and Japan. The following results were obtained: First, the commonality between both countries was to make a contemporary expression of the dragon pattern, which was expressed in a realistic form because of a traditionally inherent strong image of the dragon. On the other hand, the designed dragon pattern rarely found expression. It can be said that carefully treating the dragon pattern is attributed to the Oriental thinking like this. Second, Korean people have arranged one or more simplified dragon patterns taking on a form of the coiling dragon in the composition of the scattered point and made a comtemporary expression of them by the contrast of black and white shading in Korea. And the humorous form of the dragon pattern manifested itself in the Yi Dynasty. On the other hand, the case of printing the dragon pattern in the black dragon sword of all over the Kabuki costume in a pictorial composition has frequently appeared in Japan. And Japanese people have expressed its lightness and briskness rather than the dignity and strength that the dragon pattern gives with the use of strong color tones and new materials.

• Korean Journal of Pharmacognosy
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• v.35 no.3 s.138
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• pp.255-258
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• 2004

Chinese cabbage (Brassica campestris ssp pekinensis) is one of the most popular green vegetables in Cruciferae family, which consisted in many Korean food. All kinds of Chinese cabbage are used both fresh and cooked with certain varieties being more suitable than others for some uses. A unique dish, Kimchi, has been developed in Korea and elsewhere by fermenting Chinese cabbage and pickling it in salt solution. Though lots of beneficial effect of Kimchi on human health has been published before, it is still debatable and in vague on the active origin of the Kimchi or of the Chinese cabbage responsible for the corresponding biological activities. We have recently conducted photochemical investigation of the Chinese cabbage, which is the main ingredient of the Korean traditional food, Kimchi. The MeOH extract of Chinese cabbage was partitioned with ethylacetate and BuOH, successively. The ethyl acetate soluble part was subjected to column chromatography with silica gel and RP-18, which gave finally five minor components, i.e., ${\beta}-sitosterol$ (1), indole-3-acetonitrile (2), 4-methoxyindole-3-acetonitrile (3), methyl ferulate (4), glycerol 1-(9,12,15-octadecatrienoate) (5). The structures of them were established on the basis of spectral $(^1H-NMR,\;^{13}C-NMR)$ evidences.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.191-212
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• 2002

The economic and social bad influences of the illegal fishery bring about the results of the fishery resources exhaustion, of the fishery disorder and of the obstruction to sound management for fishery. The typical illegal fishery conducted in the coastal and offshore area of Korea can be divided as follows; fishery conducted by legally unauthorized method, fishery without permission from the Government, and fishery conducted in contravention of the laws and regulations concerning the fishing vessel, fishing gear and fishing method etc. The major reasons of origination of the illegal fishery in the coastal and offshore area of Korea are; Firstly, almost of the fishermen are poorly equipped in economical scale, Secondly, it is very easy to approach the illegal fishery because the domiciliation condition of the fishing village is deteriorated. Thirdly, almost of the fishermen are lacking in lawabiding spirit. Fourthly, the insolvent and unstable fisheries management policy with the lukewarm enforcement of the fisheries laws and regulations by the Government. Fifthly, the small scale family supporting fisheries are widespreaded. Sixthly, to retrieved the economical difficulties the fishermen are easily led astray the illegal fishery. As a conclusion the authors made some suggestions to stamp out the illegal fishery by this study. For the first, temptation fishermen into lawabiding fishery through intensification of the penal regulations is required. Second, simplification of the fishery type through combination of resemble fishing methods is required. Third, actual improvement of the fundamental fishery permission regime is required. Fourth, Introduction of the self-regulating or co-management system for the fishery management is required.