• Korean Journal of School Psychology
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.165-180
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• 2020

As a tiered system of supports, School-Wide Positive Behavior Support (SWPBS) is an evidence-based practice in the educational system of Korea. An important aspect of SWPBS is the ongoing progress monitoring and evaluation of implementation fidelity. This study aimed to develop and validate the Korean Tier 3 School-Wide Positive Behavior Support Implementation Fidelity Checklist (KT3-FC). The preliminary KT3-FC consisted of a 37-item, 6-factor checklist. In the first phase of the study, 10 experts reported that the range of content validity of the KT3-FC was adequate. In the second phase of the study, 185 teachers (52 men and 133 women) who implemented SWPBS completed the KT3-FC, Individualized Supports Questionnaire, School Climate Questionnaire, School Discipline Practice Scale, and PBS Effectiveness Scale. An exploratory factor analysis resulted in a 5-factor structure, with 20 items, instead of 37 items, consisting of: (a) progress monitoring and evaluation of the individualized supports, (b) provision of supports by aligning and integrating mental health and SWPBS, (c) crisis management planning, (d) problem behavior assessment, and (e) establishment of individualized support team. The internal consistency of the KT3-FC was good (full scale α = .950, sub-factor α = .888 ~ .954). In addition, the KT3-FC showed good convergent validity, having statistically significant correlations with the Individualized Support Questionnaire, School Climate Questionnaire, School Discipline Practice Scale, and the PBS Effectiveness Scale. Finally, the confirmatory factor analysis showed that the 5-factor model of the KT3-FC had some good model fits, indicating that the newly developed fidelity measure could be a reliable and valid tool to assess the implementation of Tier 3 supports in Korean schools. Accordingly, the KT3-FC could contribute to implement SWPBS as an evidence-based behavioral intervention for Korean students.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.121-143
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• 2021

The Aim of the this paper is to figure out impetus of the Naeseo Traditional Folk art Conservation Association. This Preservation Society derived from Hogaeri farmers' band. Through aging and hollowing out Hogaeri farmers' band got into a period of stagnation. In order to overcome slump villager and people of a township organized a conservation society in 1994. Members restored and directed folk song which from age to age for performance. are designated as cultural asset in 2017. Sutguldeong song is only song in inland area. This song are worthy of notice in . which is consist of various agricultural work songs experienced two changes. Rice-planting songs are characteristic. Especially, Executive playing a central role harden foundation of the Preservation Society. The mainspring of activity is the sense of responsibility. Preservation Society laying emphasis on recruiting new members. Preservation Society is planning to develop curriculum for Jurisdiction elementary and middle school students. This Preservation Society is made up of First generation members and Second generation members. First generation members who are born and bred in Hogaeri have been good friends both in joy and in sorrow Early days of Preservation Society. So, They has a strong family bond. In order to induce membership Members are practicing Nongak, popular folk songs, dancing program. Second generation members are not conversant with a folk song. Nonetheless They have a strong mind on a member line.

• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.28 no.5B
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• pp.603-614
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• 2008

End-uses of household water have been changed by a life style, housing type, weather, water rate and water supply facilities etc. and those variables can be considered as an internal and exogenous factors to estimate long-term demand forecasts. Analysis of influential factors on water consumption in households would give an explanation to cause on the change of trend and would help predicting the water demand of end-use in household. The purpose of this study is to analyze the demand trends and patterns of household water uses by metering and questionnaire such as occupation, revenue, numbers of family member, housing types, age, floor area and installation of water saving device, etc. The peak water uses were shown at Saturday among weekdays and July in a year based on the analysis results of water use pattern. A steep increase of total water volume can be found in the analysis of water demand trend according to temperature from $-14^{\circ}C$ to $0^{\circ}C$, while there are no significant variations in the phase of more than $0^{\circ}C$, with an almost stable demand. Washbowl water shows the highest and toilet water shows the lowest relation with temperature in correlation analysis results. In the results of ANOVA to find the significant difference in each unit water use by exogenous factors such as housing type, occupation, number of generation, residential area and income et al., difference was shown in bathtub water by housing type and shown in kitchen, toilet and miscellaneous water by numbers of resident. Especially, definite differences in components except washbowl and bathtub water, could be found by numbers of resident. Based on the result, average residents in a house should be carefully considered and the results can be applied as reference information, in decision making process for predicting water demand and establishing water conservation policy. It is expected that these can be used as design factors in planning stage for water and wastewater facilities.

• 한국노년학
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.329-352
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• 2009

This study examined life in old age and images of the aged perceived by middle-aged and old-aged generations through indepth interviews with 30 persons aged 40s through 80s residing in three areas (city or county) in capital region in Korea to use it as basic information in planning social welfare policy and reorganizing social services in response to population aging in capital region in Korea. In terms of economic life of the middle-aged and olde-aged generations perceived older people's opportunities for work were rarely given to the aged due to ageism and negative stereotypes of aging and the aged, and the aged tended to regard themselves less able or unable to work. In terms of social life of the aged both middle-aged and old-aged generations perceived that the frequency of social participation was low, and the daily life of the aged was found mostly aimless, unorganized and unplanned. In terms of psycho-social life of the aged both generations still felt that they were not alienated from the family, neighbors, and the society. In terms of social welfare services both generations thought the aged needed basic services such as income maintenance, health care, housing services, and particularly they felt lack of social services. The old-aged generation was willing to travel to the distance taking more than one hour to receive social services that they would need. Both the middle-aged and the old-aged agreed upon the necessity of preparation for old age and the benefits of earlier preparation, however, they said that they could not prepare for their old age due to lack of social programs to help preparation for old age and due to spending for rearing and education of their children. In terms of perceived life in old age both middle-aged and old-aged generations tended to be slightly positive, but the degree of positiveness differed between respondents from urban area and those from rural area regardless of generations. Images of the aged were perceived to be overwhelmingly negative while positive images were very few in number regardless of generations. This finding may suggests that negative stereotypes on aging and the aged are also prevalent in Korean society like in Western societies. Based on findings of this study some implications for social policies in response to population aging in capital region were suggested.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.608-614
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• 2005

The object of this research is to analyze and classify the dining-out behavior and preference on Korean food by age groups and to make counter proposals for better marketing and planning strategies. Major dining out motives were lack of time, the easiness of preparation, and schedule. For lunch, the schedule was the major dining-out motive. For dinner, the respondents in their 30s and below answered social gathering was their major dining-out motive (40.7% and 31.3% respectively). On the other hand, for the respondents in their 40s and 50s, the family gathering was the major dining motive (50.4% and 55.3% respectively) (${\chi}^{2}=68.081,\;p<0.001$). For dining out frequency, 1-2 dining out per a week had the highest percentage, among which the respondents in their 30s was 42.9% (the highest) and the respondents in their 50s was 18% (the lowest). For the dining-out cost, the respondents in their 30s and below spent more on dinner rather than breakfast or lunch. For the menu preference of Korean foods, Doenjangjigae had the highest percentage. In case of Kimchi, the respondents in their 40s showed higher preference than the respondents in their 30s. Interestingly, the preference for Kimchi was higher in the respondents younger than 30 rather than in the respondents in their 30s. and the respondents older than 40 (p<0.05). Preference for Jangachi was considerably low in the respondents younger than 40, which implies that younger people don't incline to traditional Korean Mitbanchan. The dining-out motive was different in each age group. Now, the dining out motive is not restricted to home meal replacement. Social gatherings are increasing and the consumers of dining-out industry are being diversified. These suggest the increased need for classifying and analyzing the consumers by age groups to get more information on consumer behavior and tastes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2012

Sansuyucheop by Heojoobugun(虛舟府君) as the subject of this study is a 십이-width picture album by the eldest grandson of 11 generations for Goseong Lee family, Lee Jong Ak(李宗岳: 1726-1773), a figure having five habits(五癖) for ancient documents(古書癖), playing the gayageum(彈琴癖), flowering plant(花卉癖), paintings and calligraphic works(書畵癖) and boating(舟遊癖) etc., who boated with 18 relatives, and those by marriage from old home, home of mother's side, wife's home, and his home for 5 days Apr. 4 through 8, 1763, starting from Imcheonggak, through Yangjeong(羊汀), Chiltan(七灘), Sabin Auditorium(泗濱書院), Seonchang(船倉), Nakyeon(落淵), Seonchal(仙刹), Seonyujeong(仙遊亭), Mongseongak(夢仙閣), Baekwoonjeong(白雲亭) and Naeap Village(川前里), Iho(伊湖), Seoeodae(鮮魚帶) to the returning point, Bangujeong(伴鷗亭), cruised magnificent views around Banbyeoncheon called 'Andong 8 Gyeong' or 'Imhagugok', and whenever the boat anchored, appreciated the scenery at each point, and enjoyed and loved arts playing the geomungo. This study reached following findings through grasping physical, ecological, visual and aesthetic changes about the places, sceneries, plant elements and past and current scenery of the width pictures expressed at this Sansuyucheop. The refinement on the boat seeing the clear river water, white sand beach, fantastically-shaped cliffs expressed at this Sansuyucheop, exchanging poems and calligraphies, and enjoying the geomungo is a good example displaying the play culture of high-class in Joseon Dynasty. Also construction of Imha Dam and Andong Dam has caused serious visual and ecological changes, making us not enable to feel the original mood of the background spots such as Yangjeonggwabeom(羊汀過帆), Chiltanhuseon(七灘候船), Sasubeomjoo(泗水泛舟), Seonchanggyeram(船倉繫纜), Nakyeonmosaek(落淵莫色), Mangcheonguido(輞川歸棹), Ihojeongdo(伊湖停棹), but only discern then landscape or sentiment through the landscape described at the canvas. The 1st picture(Donghohaeram, 東湖解纜), and the 11th picture(Seoeobanjo, 鮮魚返照) of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop expressed trees thought to be fallen, brad-leaf tall trees, and the 9th picture(Unjeongpungbeom, 雲亭風帆) formed a pine forest called 'Gaeho(開湖)' by Uncheongong planting 1,000 pine trees with the village people in 1617. In addition, Seunggyeongdo expressed ever-green needle leaf trees at the natural topography, and fallen-leaf tall trees around the pavilion and building. Comparative consideration of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop and Shinam's Dongyusipsogi(東遊十小記) showed that the location of Samgok is assumed to be Macheon and Chiltan, so Imhagugok is assumed to start from Baekunjeong of Ilgok, Igok from Imcheon and Imcheon auditorium, Samgok from Mangcheon and Chiltan, Sagok from Sabin Auditorium of Sasoo, Ogok from Songseok, Yukgok from Sooseok of Seonchang, Chilgok from Nakyeonhyeonryu, Palgok from Seonchalsa and Seonyoojeong, and Gugok from Pyong Yuheo. This study can be significant in that it could clarify that Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop is judged to be valuable in exquisitively expressing the coast of Banbyeon River, the biggest branch stream in the Nakdong River at the latter half of Joseon Dynasty, and as a vital diagrammatical historical data to make a comparative analysis of currently rarely-seen ancestors' life traces and landscape factors with present ones.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.14-25
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• 2001

Purpose : To determine whether there exist gender differences in pain in Korean cancer patients and whether the depression and performance that are often expressed differently between men and women with cancer interact with pain. Method : The results of survey were collected from 140 in- and out-patients (78 male and 62 female) who had cancer treatment at one of the university hospital in Seoul for four months from February of 1999. The severity and interference of pain were examined with the self-reported survey based on Korean version of Brief Pain Inventory (BPI-K). Demographic and clinical information for all patient were compiled by reviewing their medical records, and the level of depression was examined with the Korean version of Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-K). Usual statistical methods, e.g., frequences, means and SDs were used to characterize the sample. The chi-square tests for categorical data and t-test for numerical data were used for group comparison. And the correlation between variables were performed using Pearson correlation coefficient. Resuts : 1) The mean scores of the worst pain for last 24-hours measured with the pain severity of BPI-K were 5.77 in male and 6.45 in female. The pain interference of BPI-K in men was in the order of mood (5.49), enjoy (5.36), and work (5.00), and in women were work (7.48), enjoy (7.16), and mood (6.53). 2) In pain severity, significant difference was found between men and women in the average pain for last 24-hours (t=-2.130, P=.035). In pain interference, significant difference was found between men and women in activity (t=-2.450, P=.015), mood (t=-2,321, P=.022), walk (t=-2.762, P=.007), work (t=-4.946, P=.000), relate (t=-2.595, P=.010), sleep (t=-2.071, P=.040), enjoy (t=-3.198, P=.001). 3) It was found that the items of pain and depression are significantly correlated in men but not in women. Men also exhibited higher correlation in the items of pain and performance status than women. Conclusions : Women report significantly greater average pain for last 24-hours and for all items of pain interference than men. Pain and depression are significantly correlated in men. The results of this study suggest that gender differences in pain should be considered for planning effective pain management program.