• 제목/요약/키워드: Face-painting

검색결과 39건 처리시간 0.023초

'타자'들의 잔혹사 : 연상호 애니메이션 (Brutal history of 'The Others' : Yeon Sang-Ho's Animation)

  • 서수정
    • 만화애니메이션 연구
    • /
    • 통권37호
    • /
    • pp.267-286
    • /
    • 2014
  • 인간의 자유로운 상상력보다 있는 그대로의 비루한 현실을 재현하는 연상호 애니메이션은 사회성 짙은 리얼리즘 계열의 작품으로 한국애니메이션에서 독특한 지점에 위치한다. '현실보다 더 현실 같은 이야기'로 평가받는 연상호 애니메이션이 일관되게 재현해온 이야기는 우리 사회 중심부의 이면에 거주하는 사람들의 세계 즉 '타자'의 이야기이다. 연상호 애니메이션은 주류 공간의 뒷골목에서 사회적 타자로 살아가는 그들의 잔혹한 현실을 직설적 화법으로 재현한다. 또한 판타지가 거세된 차가운 현실풍경 뿐만 아니라 인물들의 욕망과 감정을 생생하게 중계하면서 후기자본주의 시대를 살고 있는 우리들의 모습을 현미경처럼 담아내고 있다. 그러므로 본 논문은 연상호 애니메이션을 한마디로 '타자들의 잔혹사'로 규정하고 그의 애니메이션이 형상화하고 있는 현실풍경과 인물들의 욕망과 감정을 구체적으로 탐색하였다. 우선 연상호 애니메이션이 재현하는 현실은 부조리한 곳으로, 이곳의 부조리는 견고하고 적대적인 사회시스템과 하류계급에 속한 채 트라우마에 시달리는 인물들을 통해 구축된다. 그래서 희생양이나 호모 사케르로 살아가는 연상호의 인물들은 '사악한 희생양' 또는 '타락한 괴물'로 구체화되고 그들의 현실풍경은 지옥으로 형상화된다. 후기자본주의 시대가 배태하고 있는 타자의 모습, 레비나스의 용어를 빌리자면 '타자의 얼굴'을 통해 우리가 외면하거나 부정해온 우리의 모습을 소환하고 있는 연상호 애니메이션은 우리 사회의 환부를 적나라하게 전시하면서 이 시대의 민낯과 불편한 진실을 들추어내고 있다. 그리고 그를 통해 현실을 고발하고 진실을 탐색하는 재현언어로서의 한국애니메이션의 가능성을 증명하고 있다.

齊白石(제백석)의 인학(印學)적 실천 탐색 (Exploring the Humanistic Practice of Je Baek-seok)

  • 주원야
    • 문화기술의 융합
    • /
    • 제9권1호
    • /
    • pp.427-436
    • /
    • 2023
  • 시문, 서예, 회화와 조각에 모두 해박한 제백석은 중국 근현대 예술사에서 가장 뛰어난 서화, 전각의 대가로 자리매김하였다. 명청(明清)시기에 정경(丁敬), 황이(黃易), 등석여(鄧石如), 오양지(吳讓之), 조지겸(趙之謙), 황목보(黃牧甫), 오창석(吳昌碩) 등 많은 전각 대가의 등장과 같이 전각예술은 개화기에 들어 장족의 발전을 거두었다. 제백석은 바로 이러한 사회 배경 아래 독창적인 제파(齊派)를 형성했다. 제백석의 전법은 한위(漢魏)시대의 작품을 모방하면서 형성됐는데 그가 『사삼공산비(祀三公山碑)』를 근간으로 하고 『천발신참비(天發神讖碑)』의 필의를 구사하면서 진권(秦權), 소판(詔版), 장군인(將軍印)을 조화시켰다. 게다가 단입도법(單入刀法)을 과감하게 사용함으로써 서예 예술성을 남김없이 발휘하면서 인면(印面)을 최대한 이용할 수 있고 금석 정취를 더 한다. 본고는 제백석의 전서 변모 과정 및 인학 실천을 주로 두 가지 측면에서 분석하고 고찰하였다. 첫째, 제백석의 전서 변모 과정을 정리할 예정이다. 두번째, 제백석의 인학 실천을 분석하였다. 본고는 제백석 작품을 예시로 제백석의 전각예술의 독창성을 규명함으로써 제백석의 인학 사상과 실천적 모색을 보다 더 깊은 이해를 도모할 것이며, 뿐만 아니라 이것은 후세 학자에게 학습경로 및 풍부한 경험을 제시해줄 것이라 사료된다.

얀 라우어스(Jan Lauwers) 공연의 탈서사적 특징들 -<이사벨라의 방(Isabella's Room)>, <랍스터 가게(The Lobster Shop)>, <사슴의 집(Deer House)>을 중심으로- (The post-epic characteristics in Jan Lauwers' theatre -, and -)

  • 남지수
    • 한국연극학
    • /
    • 제48호
    • /
    • pp.447-484
    • /
    • 2012
  • This study aims to analyze the characteristics of post-epic theatre in the Belgian theatre director Jan Lauwers' trilogy titled in "Happy Face/Sad Face": (2004), (2006) and (2008). I regard that it played a very important junction for him to create his own theatrical style compared to earlier years. From this period, Lauwers has tried to create his original plays in order to concentrate the story of our era and has showed to combine a variety of media such as dance, installation, video, singing etc. In this context, I would like to study his own theatricality from the three perspectives of dramaturgy, directing and acting largely based on Hans-Thies Lehmann's theory of post-epic theatre, who pointed out the significance of Lauwer's theatrical leading role very early. First, from the dramaturgical point of view, we need to pay attention to the theme of translunary death; where the living and the dead coexist on the stage. In fact, death is the theme that Lauwers has been struggling to research for quite long time. In his trilogy, the dead never exits the stage. The dead, who is not a representative tragic character, even meddles the things among or with the living and provide comments to people. As a consequence, it happens to reduce a dramaturgical strong tension, leads depreciation of suspense and produces humanism in a way. This approach helps to create his unique comical theatrical atmosphere even though he deals with the contemporary tragic issues such as war, horror and death. Second, from the directing point of view, it is worth to take a look at the polyphonic strategy in terms to applying various media. Among all the things, the arts of dancing and singing in chorus are actively applied in Lauwer's trilogy. The dance is used in individual and microscopic way, on the other hand, singing shows collective and is a macroscopic quality. The dance is the representing media to show Lauwer's simultaneous microscopic mise-en-scene. While main plot takes place around the center-stage, actors perform a dance around the off-centered stage. Instead of exiting from the stage during the performance, the actors would continue dance -sometimes more like movements- around the off-centered stage. This not only describes the narrative, but also shows how each character is engaged to the main plot or incident, and how they look into it as a character. Its simultaneous microscopic mise-en-scene intends to function such as: showing a variety moments of lives, amplifying some moments or incidents, revealing character's emotion, creating illusionary theatrical atmosphere and so on. Meanwhile, singing simple lyrics and tunes are an example of the media to stimulate the audiences' catharsis. As the simple melody lingers in the audiences' mind, it ends up delivering a theatrical message or theme after the performance. This message would be transferred from the singing in chorus functions as a sort of leitmotive in order to make an impression to the audience. This not only richens their emotion but also creates an illusionary effect. Third, from the acting perspective, I'd like to point out the "detachment" aesthetic which Lehmann has pointed out. The actors never go deep into the drama by consistently doing recognize a theatrical illusion. The audience happens to pay attention to their presence through the actor's deliberate gesture, business, movement, rhythm, language, dance etc. The actors are against forming closed action by speaking in various languages or by revealing deliberately stage directions or acts, and by creating expressive mise-en-scene with multiple media. As a consequent, the stage can be transformed to not a metaphoric but a metonymic place. These actions are the ultimate intention for a direct effect to the audience. So to speak, Lauwers uses the anti-illusionary theatrical method: the scenes of fantastic death, interruption of singing and dance, speaking many kinds of languages, acting in detachment-status and so on. These strategies function to make cracks in spectators' desire who has a desire to construct a linear narrative. I'd like to say that it is the numerous potentiality to let the reality penetrate though and collide the reality with a fiction. By doing so, it induces for spectators to see the reality in the fiction. As Lehmann says, "when theatre presents itself as a sketch and not as a finished painting, the spectators are given the chance to feel their own presence, to reflect on it, and to contribute to the unfinished character themselves". In this sense the spectators can perform an objective criticism on our society and world in Lauwer's theatre because there are a number of gaps and cracks in his theatrical illusion where reality can penetrate. This is also the point that we can find out the artists' responsibility in this era of our being.

스마트교육을 위한 오픈 디지털교과서 (Open Digital Textbook for Smart Education)

  • 구영일;박충식
    • 지능정보연구
    • /
    • 제19권2호
    • /
    • pp.177-189
    • /
    • 2013
  • 스마트교육에서 디지털교과서의 역할은 학습자와 대면하는 교육미디어로써 그 중요성은 재론의 여지없다. 이러한 디지털교과서는 학습자의 편의와 더불어 교수자, 콘텐츠 제작자, 유통업자를 위하여 표준화되어야 활성화되고 산업화될 수 있다. 본 연구에서는 다음과 같은 3가지 목표를 지향하는 디지털교과서 표준화 방안을 모색한다. (1) 디지털교과서는 온-오프 수업을 모두 지원하는 혼합학습 매체의 역할을 해야 하며, 특별한 전용뷰어 없이 표준을 준수하는 모든 EPUB 뷰어에서 실행가능 해야 하며, 기존의 이러닝 학습 콘텐츠와 학습관리시스템를 활용할 수 있도록 하며, 디지털 교과서를 사용하는 학습자의 정보를 추적 관리할 수 있는 트랙킹기능이 있으면서도, 오프라인 동안의 정보를 축적하여 서버와 통신할 수 있는 기능도 필요하다. 디지털교과서의 표준으로서 EPUB을 고려하는 이유는 디지털교과서가 책의 형태를 가져야 하는데 이를 위해서 따로 표준을 정할 필요가 없으며, EPUB 표준을 채택함으로써 풍부한 콘텐츠, 유통구조, 산업기반을 활용할 수 있기 때문이다. (2) 디지털교과서는 오픈소스를 적극 활용하여 저비용으로 현재 사용가능한 서비스를 구성하여 표준과 더불어 실제 실행 가능한 프로그램으로 제시되어야 하며, 관련 학습 콘텐츠가 오픈마켓의 형태로 운영될 수 있어야 한다. (3) 디지털교과서는 학습자에게 적절한 학습 피드백을 제공하기 위하여 모든 학습활동 정보를 축적하고 관리될 수 있는 인프라를 표준에 따라 구축하여 교육 빅데이터 처리의 기반을 제공하여야 한다. 이북 표준인 EPUB 3.0을 기반으로 하는 오픈 디지털교과서는 (1) 학습활동 정보를 기록하고 (2) 이 학습활동 지원을 위한 서버와 통신하여야 한다. 현재 표준으로 정해져 있지 않은 이북의 기록과 통신 기능을 EPUB 3.0의 JavaScript로 구현하여 현재 EPUB 3.0 뷰어에서도 활용하면서 이를 차세대 이북 표준 또는 교육을 위한 이북 표준(EPUB 3.0 for education)으로 제안하여 향후 제정된 표준 이북 뷰어에서는 JavaScript없이도 처리되도록 하는 전략이 필요하다. 향후 연구는 제안한 오픈 디지털교과서 표준에 의한 오픈소스 프로그램을 개발하고, 개발된 오픈 디지털교과서의 학습활동정보를 활용한 새로운 교육서비스 방안(교육 빅데이터 활용방안 포함)을 제시하는 것이다.

한국.중국.일본 여성의 색조대장문화 (A Study on Make-up Culture of Korea, China and Japan)

  • 박보영;황춘섭
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제39권
    • /
    • pp.217-237
    • /
    • 1998
  • The present research is to study the make-up culture of Korea and its neighboring countries such as China and Japan during the period from the prehistoric age to the 19th cen-tury. The research was made by documents analysis. The results are summerised as follows : (1) A man has a basic instinct to beautify himself. There was not a significant difference between the make-up behavior of men and women in its primal stage. It was by the start of farming and the division of labor that made the make-up behavior as a feminine culture. The difference of sexual role caused the con-ceptual difference between manly beauty and womanly beauty. It was very natural for women to regard the make-up as the best way for showing their feminine beauty. In Korea, China and Japan, there were vari-ous kinds of primal actions such as tattooing, body-painting, and tooth make-up which were used in the purpose of body protection, incantation, ornament, and so on. Ass their ornamental purpose was becoming more important, these primal actions became the basis of the feminine make-up culture. Nowadays make-up, having mental and emo-tional function, is helpful to increasing self-satisfaction, promoting good personal relation-ship, and attracting attention from the other sex. It also has other functions of showing social status, wealth, age, sex, courage, power, and so on. (2) The representative make-up product used widely in the three countries was Boon (powder) which decides the overall color of face. The key point in the production of Boon was to increase its power of adsorption. The invention of Yunboon (power mixed with lead) solved this major problem of Boon. Yeonji which decides the color of cheek was the mixture of Boon and the powder of Honghwa (a kind of red-colored flower or tree). Mimook (eyebrow pencil) was developed to match up with the various and changing currencies of penciling eyebrows in each nation and times, Yeonji and Joosa (red sand) were used as Jinji (lip stick). The predominant color of Jinji was red. As miscellaneous methods of partial make-up, there were Kon-ji used in a wedding cer-emony in korea, Aek-hwang, Hwa-jeon, Sa-hong, and Myun-yup in China, and Chi-heuk, a peculial method of partial make-up in japan. (3) There were various factors which decided the characteristics of make-up culture usually reflects international atmosphere, the form of government, economic situation, re-ligious and social ideology, aesthetic sense, symbolizing meanings of colors, and so on. The up and down of an influentian country was one of the major factors which decided the characteristics of the make-up culture of its neighboring countries. When a country took a liberal form of government, it had diverse and splendid tendencies in its make-up culture. The better a nation's economic situation is, the more abandant and various its make-up culture is, and sometimes, the more eccentric and decadents it was. In the field of make-up production, the three countries had their own characteristics. But, as a whole, China was the leading nation who spread the culture and products of make-up to Korea and Japan. Though the Chinese make-up culture and products were usually spread to Japan through Korean, there was some evidence of direct exchanges between China and Japan through its dispatches of Kyun-Tang-Sa(Japanese delegation to the Tang Dynasty). While religion had a positive influence on the development of make-up culture by introducing new methods of make-up, Confucianism exercised strict control over the make-up cul-ture. The currencies in arts and changes of esthetic sense introduced new methods and booms to the make-up culture. Literature made people pay increasing attentions to the countenances of women and changed the standards of esthetic sense. We can find out that the social status of woman was also reflected in the make-up culture. As the social status of women became higher, the feminine make-up culture also developed more then ever. As mentioned above, the make-up cultures of the three countries reflected their social values, esthetic senses, and emotional feelings. Through their cultural exchanges, the three countries could develop various make-up products and methods.

  • PDF

구약성서(舊約聖書)에 나타난 히브리인의 복식(服飾) - 두식(頭飾), 신발 및 장신구(裝身具) 중심(中心)으로 - ("A Study on Hebrews Clothing in the Old Testament" - Especially on Hair Styles, Headgears, Footwear and Personal Ornaments -)

  • 박찬부
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제10권
    • /
    • pp.63-80
    • /
    • 1986
  • The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.

  • PDF

한국 여성의 수발양식 관한 연구 -조선시대 여성 수발법을 중심으로- (A Study on the form of korean Women's Hair Style-From the Viewpoint of Woman's Hair Style in Cho-Sun Dynasty-)

  • 정상숙;조효순
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제41권
    • /
    • pp.95-105
    • /
    • 1998
  • SOO-BAL(Hair Style) is a method Which match hair style to face and clothes with using hair covering and protecting the head. Also SOO-BAL includes personal ornaments using to avoid one's hair be disheveled. In a standpoint of beauty and spirit, etiquette SOO-BAL is a very important thing as one being dressed up. Until now, since just a form of hair style have been studied, hair styling process is nothing to be known and studied. Time after time, our unique traditional SOO-BAL is forgotten with clothes and then this th-esis will be classified hair styling form follow-ing a form of hair style in royal palace of the C-hosun dynasty. According to the record of HAE DONG HISTORY, it shows the same of attire between Ko-rean and chinese style in ae of the chosun. The reason in that there were no any certain boundary border and the interaction of culture between two countries was happened spontaneously at ancient time like the GOCHO-SUN age. Until the period of the three states, the korean attire be changed had gone with chinese one s-imilarly. The chinese form gave to influence on the EONJIN MEURI·POON-GI-MYEONG MEURI·JJO-CJIN MEURI·MOOK-EUN GOONG-BAL MEURI·OL-LIN MEURI·SSANGSANG-TU ME-URI be drawn wall painting in the KOKUR-YU. And a gold chignon accesso-ry unearthed in a MOO-RYOUNG royal mausoleum is proof of the korean attrire be changed with chinese. In the shilla dynasty at three years after Cjin-Deuk(A.D. 649) reign. It was recorded that the dynasty let women wear the form of chinese attire. Also in the koryo dyn-asty, a rod-like hairpin (BIN-YEU) and DANG-GI employing EON-JIN MEURI was used. The SOO-BAL based on the Confucianism had lots of regulations which limited to use ornaments with classes of society in the CHOSUN dynasty. Until YOUNG CHO and CHUNG CHO period. EONJIN MEURI be decorated GACHAE was announced by dynasty as ind-ulging in luxury. Women of yangban used a rod-like hairpin and a chignon accessory made by jewerly. And 1-owly women weared a rod-like hairpin made of born and wood to perfom EONJIN MEURI with PUNCHAE. Most unmarried women decorated with DDA-AH-NEULIN MEURI, GUI-MIT MEURI, specially in palace with SAE-ANG MEURI. At palace, one put on a full dress with KEUN MEURI, and a simple dress with ER-YEO MEURI be decorated DDERL-JAM The CHOP-JI MEURI manifested social rank, class. Kids at CHO-SUN age had BA-DUK-PANMEURI and JONG-JONG MEURI. The ornament things are GACHE, DDERL JAM with EON-JIN M-EURI, and all kinds of rod-like hairpin and chignon accessory used in JJOK MEURI. IN DANGGE, JE-BI-BURI DANGGI used by ummarried women. DO-TOO-RAK DANGGI and AP DANGGI on a dress suit, and BE-SSI DANGGI used by 3∼4 years ungrown kids etc. were used. And at palace, kinds of CHUPJI used with JJOK MEURI showed social rank. In CHOSUN age, women want to keep shiny hair washed at TA-NO festival day, a treatment of bald hair used a forked remedy. In CHOSUN age, woman Soo-Bal hair style has DAE-SOO·DDEU-KOO-JI MEURI·CHO-P-GI MEURI·EON-JIN MEURI·SAE-ANG MEURI· and so on. We could find out Soo-Bal was developed very well by these variety hair styles. I attatched all of the hair style pictures step by step, and also explained detail my research foll owing these pictures.

  • PDF

일제강점기 강화 보문사 마애관음보살좌상 연구 (A Study of the Japanese Colonial Era Rock-Carved Seated Avalokiteśvara Statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple)

  • 이주민
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
    • /
    • 제53권3호
    • /
    • pp.62-79
    • /
    • 2020
  • 강화 보문사 마애관음보살좌상은 일제강점기였던 1928년에 조성된 거대한 규모의 마애불상으로 한국 근대 불교 조각사에서 중요한 위치를 차지하는 기년명 불상임에도 불구하고 그동안 근대 불교 조각에 대한 연구 부진으로 심도 있는 논의가 이루어지지 못하였다. 본고에서는 보문사 마애관음보살좌상이 근대기 불상으로서 갖는 의미를 다양한 측면에서 살펴보기 위해 마애불 주변에 있는 명문을 판독하여 조성 연대와 제작자 및 후원자를 확인하였으며, 바위의 형태와 지형이 불상의 조형성에 어떤 영향을 끼쳤는지 알아보기 위해 제작자와 참배객의 시점(視點)을 비교 분석하였다. 또한 제작자 후손들과의 인터뷰를 통하여 불상 조성 당시의 구체적 정황을 파악해 보았다. 보문사 마애관음보살좌상의 제작에는 금강산 승려 이화응(李華應)이 화주(化主)겸 화사(畫師)를 맡았고, 불상 조성이 시작되는 1928년에는 100여 명이 넘는 시주자가 공동으로 후원하였으며, 1937년 참배공간을 확장할 때는 간송 전형필(澗松 全鎣弼)이 단독 후원하였다. 이 마애불 조성을 계기로 강화 보문사는 양양 낙산사, 남해 보리암과 더불어 우리 나라 3대 관음 도량으로 손꼽히게 되었다. 불상의 제작 기간은 약 3개월이 소요되었으며 초(草)는 화주를 맡았던 이화응이 그리고 조각은 운송학(雲松學) 등 다섯 명의 강화 지역 석수가 참여하였는데, 화승이 그린 초를 바탕으로 조각이 이루어졌기 때문에 마애불 곳곳에서 선묘적 기법이 발견된다. 화사로서 이화응의 면모가 밝혀짐에 따라 석옹철유(石翁喆有)-화응형진(華應亨眞)-일옹혜각(一翁慧覺)으로 이어지는 화맥의 단초를 확인할 수 있게 되었다. 보문사 마애관음보살좌상은 보관을 쓰고 정병을 든 전형적인 관음보살로 방형의 큰 얼굴에 목이 짧고 전체적으로 투박하여 경직된 인상을 준다. 제작자는 높이 10m에 40°가량 기울어져 있는 바위에 마애불을 왜곡 없이 보이기 위해 최대한 동작을 절제하고 대칭성을 강조하여 세부 표현을 생략하였고, 머리와 신체 비례는 1:1에 가깝게 조정하여 시각적 왜곡 문제를 해결하였다. 특히, 본고에서는 보문사 마애관음보살좌상처럼 별도의 불단을 만들지 않는 '불상과 불단의 일체화'된 형식을 근대기 불교 조각의 특징으로 상정하였다. 그 외에 광배에 새겨진 6글자의 범자(梵字)를 그동안 육자대명왕진언(六字大明王眞言)으로 해석했으나, 정법계진언(淨法界眞言)과 사방진언(四方眞言)이 조합된 것임을 새롭게 밝혔다. 아울러 처마 바위에 박혀 있는 3개의 쇠고리는 제작 과정에서 다림추를 달아 초를 그릴 때 기준점으로 활용하였고, 이후에는 고리에 풍탁을 달아 보살상을 장엄하는 용도로 사용한 것을 확인하였다.

정암사 수마노탑 탑지석(塔誌石) 연구 (A Study on the Memorial stone of the Sumanotap in Jeongamsa Temple)

  • 손신영
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
    • /
    • 제47권1호
    • /
    • pp.116-133
    • /
    • 2014
  • 수마노탑 탑지석은 1석부터 5석까지 차례로 1719년, 1773년, 1874년, 1653년, 1874년에 제작된 것으로 여겨져 왔다. 그러나 연호(年號)와 간지(干支)를 분석해본 결과, 제2석과 제4석 모두 1713년의 기록임을 알게 되었다. 동시기의 기록이 둘로 나눠진 것은, 중수대상을 탑신과 찰간으로 나누어 각기 소임을 맡은 이와 시주자를 기록한 것으로 파악하였다. 수마노탑 탑지석 5매에는 모두 중수불사의 역할을 맡은 승려들의 이름은 물론이고 일반인 시주자들의 이름이 기록되어 있다. 이중 법호법명(法號法名)으로 기록된 제3석의 승려들 이름을 19세기 후반 불사 기록과 비교하여 12명의 동명(同名)을 파악하였다. 이들 대부분이 수마노탑 중수불사 전후로 강원도 서울 경상북도 사불산 일대와 경남 해인사 등지에서 활약했다는 사실은, 당대 불사의 경향과 수마노탑의 위상을 시사하고 있다. 1874년 탑 내에 봉안된 금은합 시주자인 김좌근은 청신녀양씨와 함께 기록되어, 수마노탑 시주자 중 유일하게 알려진 인물이다. 그러나 실재는 그의 애첩, 나합이라 불리던 나주 출신 기생 양씨가 그의 사망 이후 시주한 것이다. 영의정을 지낸 김좌근의 애첩이던 양씨가 왕과 왕비 왕대비 대비 부대부인 등이 대거 참여한 불사에 개인적으로 참여했다는 점은 이례적이다. 더구나 1874년 수마노탑중수는 원자 즉 순종의 탄생 '백일'을 기념하기 위해 왕실에서 사적(私的)으로 이루어진 것이고, 할아버지인 흥선대원군의 이름은 보이지 않는다. 탑지석에 기록된 10여 곳의 사찰 중 빈번히 등장하는 곳은 경북 봉화의 각화사와 강원도 영월 보덕사이다. 각화사는 사고사찰(史庫寺刹)로서 조정의 관리대상이었고, 보덕사는 단종 능의 원찰로서 왕실에서 돌보는 곳이었다. 따라서 이 두 사찰이 수마노탑 중수 불사에 참여했다는 기록은 이 두 사찰의 조력으로 수마노탑이 중수되었다는 점과 당시 수마노탑의 위상이 사고사찰이나 능침수호사찰 못지 않았음을 의미한다.