• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.133-164
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• 2018

This purpose of this paper is to focus on anti-Japanese literature and pro-Japanese literature skills among Korean literary history written in Japan, and to observe the differences between Korean and Japanese perception surrounding anti-Japanese and pro-Japanese literature. Analyzed texts are "Taste Korean Literature" by Saegusa Dosikatsu and "The Footsteps of Modern Literature of Chosun" by Shirakawa Yutaka, the earnest modern Korean literary historians written from the perspective of Japanese writers, and though there's no overall written history of literature, they were seen through with the perspective of Omura Masuo, at the forefront of Japanese researchers in modern and contemporary Korean literature. The main results of the review are as follow: First, In Korean literary history by Japan, the frame "pro-Japanese literature" is clearly embedded. It is clearly distinctive from the aspect of China or North Korea, and though it follows the narration system of South Korean literature, it also forms the breaking (turning) point of anti-Japanese and pro-Japanese literature relative to anti-Japanese and pro-Japanese literature. Second, even if it follows the narration system of South Korean literature, that question was constantly raised on existing Korean academic evaluation of anti-Japanese and pro-Japanese literature, and different interpretations of reading were practiced. For example, Korean academic circles highly regard literature of writers such as Kim, Jong han or Lee, Seok hoon, while Korean academics do not place much importance on Lee, Gwang Soo's pro-Japanese elements that are important. The third point is that generous marks are credited to writers with outstanding Japanese or to Japanese creative writing. As a result, they dissolve internal logic in different pro-Japanese collaborators such as Chang, Hyuk Ju, Kim, Sa Ryang, Lee, Seok hoon, or Kim, Yong Jae by melting the same "Japanese literature" in a cage. The last point is reading different inner thoughts of Kim, Jong-han or Lee, Seok-hoon unlike outspoken pro-Japanese collaborators such as Lee, Gwang soo, Jang, Hyuk Joo or Kim, Yong je. These points require more in-depth analysis, and will be continued in follow-up tasks.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.329-356
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• 2018

Types of emotional expressions are comprised of vocabulary that describes emotion and composition of sentences to express emotion such as an exclamatory sentence and a rhetorical question, expressions of interjection, adverbs of attitude for an idea, and a style of writing. This study is focused on vocabulary that describes emotion and analyzes the aspect of translation when emotional expression of 'Kyo(驚)' is shown in "Kokoro". As a result, the aspect of translation for expression of 'Kyo(驚)' showed that it was translated to vocabulary as suggested in the dictionary in some cases. However, it was not always translated as suggested in the dictionary. Vocabulary that describes the emotion of 'Kyo(驚)' in Japanese sentences is mostly translated to corresponding parts of speech in Korean. Some adverbs needed to add 'verbs' when they were translated. Different vocabulary was added or used to maximize emotion. However, the corresponding part of speech in English was different from Korean. Examples of Japanese sentences expressing 'Kyo(驚)' by verbs were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs such as 'surprise' 'astonish' 'amaze' 'shock' 'frighten' 'stun' in many cases. Idioms were also translated with focus on the function of sentences rather than the form of sentences. Those expressed in adverbs did not accompany verbs of 'Kyo(驚)'. They were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs and adjectives such as 'surprise' 'astonish' 'amaze' 'shock' 'frighten' 'stun' in many cases. Main agents of emotion were showat the first person and the third person in simple sentences. Translation of emotional expressions when a main agent was the first person showed that the fundamental word order of Japanese was translated as in Korean. However, adverbs of time and adverbs of degree were ended to be added. The first person as the main agent of emotion was positioned at the place of subject when it was translated in English. However, things or causes of events were positioned at the place of subject in some cases to show the degree of 'Kyo(驚)' which the main agent experienced. The expression of conjecture and supposition or a certain visual and auditory basis was added to translate the expression of emotion when the main agent of emotion was the third person. Simple sentences without the main agent of emotion showed that their subjects could be omitted even if they were essential components because they could be known through context in Korean. These omitted subjects were found and translated in English. Those subjects were not necessarily human who was the main agent of emotion. They could be things or causes of events that specified the expression of emotion.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.131-161
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• 2018

Emotional expressions are expressions that show the internal condition of mind or consciousness. Types of emotional expressions include vocabulary that describes emotion, the composition of sentences that expresses emotion such as an exclamatory sentence and rhetorical question, expressions of interjection, appellation, causative, passive, adverbs of attitude for an idea, and a style of writing. This study focuses on vocabulary that describes emotion and analyzes the aspect of translation when emotional expressions of 'Hu(怖)' is shown on "Kokoro". The aspect of translation was analyzed by three categories as follows; a part of speech, handling of subjects, and classification of meanings. As a result, the aspect of translation for expressions of Hu(怖)' showed that they were translated to vocabulary as they were suggested in the dictionary in some cases. However, they were not always translated as they were suggested in the dictionary. Vocabulary that described the emotion of 'Hu(怖)' in Japanese sentences were mostly translated to their corresponding parts of speech in Korean. Some adverbs needed to add 'verbs' when they were translated. Also, different vocabulary was added or used to maximize emotion. However, the correspondence of a part of speech in English was different from Korean. Examples of Japanese sentences that expressed 'Hu(怖)' by verbs were translated to expression of participles for passive verbs such as 'fear', 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. Also, idioms were translated with focus on the function of sentences rather than the form of sentences. Examples, what was expressed in adverbs did not accompany verbs of 'Hu (怖)'. Instead, it was translated to the expression of participles for passive verbs and adjectives such as 'dread', 'worry', and 'terrify' in many cases. The main agents of emotion were shown in the first person and the third person in simple sentences. The translation on emotional expressions when a main agent was the first person showed that the fundamental word order of Japanese was translated as it was in Korean. However, adverbs of time and adverbs of degree tended to be added. Also, the first person as the main agent of emotion was positioned at the place of subject when it was translated in English. However, things or the cause of events were positioned at the place of subject in some cases to show the degree of 'Hu(怖)' which the main agent experienced. The expression of conjecture and supposition or a certain visual and auditory basis was added to translate the expression of emotion when the main agent of emotion was the third person. Simple sentences without a main agent of emotion showed that their subjects could be omitted even if they were essential components because they could be known through context in Korean. These omitted subjects were found and translated in English. Those subjects were not necessarily humans who were the main agents of emotion. They could be things or causes of events that specified the expression of emotion.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.96
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• pp.39-70
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• 2012

In order to locate Kant's concept of the highest good within ethics and the theory of moral religion, it needs to be approached with some qualifications: there are two rough ways to be suggested. The first way is to focus on the concept of the highest good that is explained in terms of the happiness in proportion to a rational being's virtue or to his/her worthiness to be happy. But the happiness determined in the sense outlined above would be (increasingly or decreasingly) changeable according to each one's individual morality-this is what is meant by each one's 'worthiness' here-, and would not be seen as the perfect one. It might even be said that this kind of happiness is possible in a sensible world generally taken, if the existence of God thought of as harmonizing natural phenomena and the moral order is successfully presupposed. The other way is to understand the concept of the highest good literally: in this view, the highest good shows that a rational being's character is completely appropriate to the moral law and for him/her, its corresponding idea, i.e., the perfect happiness, is considered with full justification. But the highest good in the sense sketched above-along with the existence of God and the immortality of the soul-is expected to be realized only in an intelligible world generally taken. This means that it should be appraised as an ideal of the highest good that includes the so-called 'physical happiness' specified in terms of the first way as its element. In this regard, it is seen to be somewhat restricted. Between the two concepts of the highest good already touched upon, the highest good of the possible world would be the one established in terms of the first way. In other words, it is not the highest good in an intelligible world, but the highest good in this world. Of course, it is true that we cannot help but assume the existence of God-a being as higher, as moral, as most holy, and as omnipotent-in order to explain the highest good in this world (namely, in order to establish the possibility of the combination of the happiness and the worthiness). For as long as both morally good acts and the happiness are considered to happen in a natural world, the cause of the nature (i.e., the existence of its creator), that is, God, must be able to be presupposed. In this vein, Kant interprets that most people view that the key of the Bible is to show that the best world which is characterized by an intelligible or heavenly kingdom is also actually feasible in this world. The wish of the people who have the morally good character is that God's kingdom comes and his will is properly achieved in this world. But we cannot know what God really does in order to realize his world in this world. Nonetheless, we are fully aware of what we should do in order to make ourselves a member of his world. It is specified like this: we should do our ethical duties and further proceed to establish an ethical community. Viewed this manner, it is concluded that an ethical community is not a merely ideal thing like the kingdom of the ends, but a human apparatus or institution that exists in this world.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.9-15
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• 2019

Artiodactyla, which is an even-toed mammal, widely inhabits worldwide. In recent years, wild Artiodactyla species have attracted public attention due to the rapid increase of crop damage and road-kill caused by wild Artiodactyla such as water deer and wild boar and the decrease of some species such as long-tailed goral and musk deer. In spite of such public attention, however, there have been few studies on Artiodactyla in Korea, and no studies have focused on the trend analysis of Artiodactyla, making it difficult to understand actual problems. Many recent studies on trend used text-mining and co-occurrence analysis to increase objectivity in the classification of research subjects by extracting keywords appearing in literature and quantifying relevance between words. In this study, we analyzed texts from research articles of three countries (Korea, China, and Japan) through text-mining and co-occurrence analysis and compared the research subjects in each country. We extracted 199 words from 665 articles related to Artiodactyla of three countries through text-mining. Three word-clusters were formed as a result of co-occurrence analysis on extracted words. We determined that cluster1 was related to "habitat condition and ecology", cluster2 was related to "disease" and cluster3 was related to "conservation genetics and molecular ecology". The results of comparing the rates of occurrence of each word clusters in each country showed that they were relatively even in China and Japan whereas Korea had a prevailing rate (69%) of cluster2 related to "disease". In the regression analysis on the number of words per year in each cluster, the number of words in both China and Japan increased evenly by year in each cluster while the rate of increase of cluster2 was five times more than the other clusters in Korea. The results indicate that Korean researches on Artiodactyla tended to focus on diseases more than those in China and Japan, and few researchers considered other subjects including habitat characteristics, behavior and molecular ecology. In order to control the damage caused by Artiodactyla and to establish a reasonable policy for the protection of endangered species, it is necessary to accumulate basic ecological data by conducting researches on wild Artiodactyla more.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.74-95
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• 2009

Folk villages have higher historic and cultural values than other villages and contain considerably many traditional elements today. In Korea, there are seven folk villages that are under the protection of the Cultural Properties Protection Act. Unlike other kinds of tangible cultural assets individually appointed according to the act, those folk villages are protected by the act in entirety including the houses and auxiliary structures inhabited and used by the villagers. Since the act covers the entire villages, the residents are not allowed to repair or renovate their structures and accordingly suffer from huge limitations in everyday life with housing life under the biggest restrictions. Being appointed as a folk village is positive from the perspective of preserving the village. However, it is negative to the villagers because of the limitations to their housing lives. While common people lead a convenient life by the introduction of high technologies in modern society, they do not get to benefit from such technologies for the cause of preserving the traditional culture. Upon the appointment, they are subject to all sorts of building regulations and under huge direct and indirect influences of those regulations across many different aspects of life including housing life. Thus the residents of folk villages do have many complaints about the act. It is only natural that there occur conflicts between the state, which tries to preserve the traditional culture according to the act, and the residents, who pursue convenience in life. At the same time, it is natural too that the residents have the desire to pursue convenience in daily life. Thus they renovate their houses illegally. The government agencies are aware of that, however, it is not right for them to enforce the act and restrict their daily lives. Their tacit approval of such illegal renovations is the product of compromises between the residents' right to their private property and the state's policies of cultural asset protection. The residents try to renovate their houses within the limit that will not call for legal restrictions from the government agencies. The government allows for renovations as long as they are within the minimum limit. It is the result of efforts for the state and the residents to stitch up and compromise their own complaints.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.86-111
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• 2011

Wan is a tableware in which boiled rice or soup, side dish are put, and it is a representative model which shows the development of personal tableware. From the establishing period of Hanseong Baekje, the form of wan which is Jung-do Style(中島式) Plain Pottery of previous period Proto-Three Kingdoms Period was succeeded to, but wan is produced and used as a wan baked in the kiln, which is far development of the producing technique including hardness and clay. By and large, the size of $0.3{\sim}0.4{\ell}$ was the majority and the production technique of wan which used carefully selected soft quality clay are largely confirmed to be two methods which are, first, basic method by which on a clay tablet on the rotating table, clay band is accumulated and moulding is finished, and second, the new method which had the same basic moulding as that of basic method but in the last stage takes wan off the rotating table and reverse it to trim the bottom and remove the angle of flat bottom. The former, basic production method is the classical production method since wan of Jung-do Style Plain Pottery and wan was produced and used for all periods of Hanseong Baekje. On the other hand, the latter is the production method obtained through form imitation of China made porcelain flowed into through interchange between Baekje and China, and through comparison with Chinese chronogram material it is estimated to have been produced and used after middle of 4th century. Therefore it can be known that the Baekje people's demand for China made articles was big and imitation pottery was produced and used with Baekje pottery. In addition, bowl with outward mouth are confirmed in multiple number in Lakrang(樂浪) pottery wan and it is assumed that wan was the form produced under the influence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.76-101
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• 2013

In this article, we examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo, the 22nd King of the Joseon dynasty located in Yongwol, Gangwondo. The Jangtae culture - burial of the navel cord - is a unique Royal ritual which began during the Shilla dynasty and continued to be carried out for a long period until the Koryo and Joseon dynasties. Until today, about 300 Taebong sites have been discovered, most of which are the Taebong of the decedents of the royal family of the Joseon Kingdom. Most Taeshils built for Kings of the Joseon dynasty were destroyed during the Japanese colonial period, among which only a few have been recovered and managed across the nation. The Taeshil of King Jungjo is one of the leading examples among existing Taeshils in Korea which has managed to preserve well enshrined relics as well as literature documents including stone relics in perfect sets. Thus, in order to examine the Taeshil of King Jungjo comprehensively, first of all literary materials related to the construction of King Jungjo's Taeshil such as the Josunwangjosilrok - "Annals of the Choson Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄)". "Jungjongdaewang Taesilgabong Euigwe (正宗大王胎室加封儀軌) - Royal activities related to Taeshil, and local historic documents etc were searched and put together, while a focus was placed on examining the geographical location and state of the Taebong, including the specific style of each part of the Taeshil stone and characteristics of enshrined relics. Such materials are believed to have important utility in the future as a basic material to be used for research, maintenance, and restoration of Taeshil relics. So far, Taeshil relics is a field that has not been able to attract much attention from the academic world, however attention has begun to be paid to Taeshil relics due to recent archaeological excavations as well as an approach to artistic history. Academic research results are expected if Taeshil relics are able to be examined comprehensively in future covering various areas such as literature history, archaeology, and artistic history etc.