• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.100-121
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• 2023

This paper examines the interior settings of a chamber and of a temporary place of enshrinement at Yeonghuijeon (永禧殿, Hall of Eternal Happiness), the representative official portrait hall in which portraits of early and late Joseon kings were enshrined. Also, it discusses the features of the Five Peak screens used therein. The physical environment of a chamber at Yeonghuijeon mainly consisted of a four-panel folding screen with a painting of Five Peaks and a large wooden platform, which was adorned with dragon and lion patterns and attached to lotus-leaf column balustrades. The Five Peak screen was installed on a large platform in the shape of ⊓, spreading across the second and third panels on the back and folding out on the first and fourth panels on the right and left sides. When a portrait was enshrined in a temporary place, a simpler and smaller platform with railings was used. A four-panel folding screen of the Five Peak painting was installed in the same way as in a chamber, but was unfolded around a smaller platform behind it. A royal portrait was displayed in each chamber, whereas a case in which a portrait was rolled up was put on the smaller platform in a temporary place. The Five Peak screens for a chamber and a temporary place were all large four-panel folding screens with two wide panels in the middle and two narrow panels on each side, and only strips of silk were mounted on the four edges of the screens without additional wide lower-side mountings. While screens for the chamber used patterned silk for mounting and white paper for backing on screen frames, screens for the temporary place used plain silk and recycled failed test papers for mounting and backing, respectively. By examining records in the literature on the Five Peak screens for Yeonghuijeon, this paper highlights two Five Peak screens, both of which lost their provenance from the hall. The structures of the two screens reflected the way they were to be installed at the hall. Furthermore, this paper assumes that a Five Peak screen, which had been unfolded on the throne in the main hall of Changdeokgung Palace after the 1960s, was produced in 1858 for the purpose of temporarily enshrining King Sunjo's portrait due to the fact that failed test papers of the 1840s were laid taut over the frame.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.131-158
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• 2008

While there were separation, confrontation and conflicts in Yungnam confucian group in seventeenth century, Nampa Jang Hak(1614~1669), was one of the representative figure among Yeoheon's pupils in doing the project of Yeoheon's enshrinement and strengthening the solidarity of Yeoheon's students. His family had close relationship with Yeoheon, and he started to receive instructions from Yeoheon in his early ages. Owing to the close relationship with Yeoheon, Nam pa did the leading role in the memorial projects, such as publishing the collection of works, and enshrining Yeoheon's tablet in Seowon, a private academy. Especially, he defined Yeoheon's scholarstic mantle as 'assertion that does not come from the teacher whom specifies(不由師承論)' and tried to link Yeoheon's work with other confucian saints' works. This linkage functioned as a stepstone for the projects of enshrining Yeoheon in the memorial hall of their private school, Seowon. Accordingly, in this paper, Nampa's life and academic activities are investigated, considering he was in the middle of the turmoil of separation and conflict of Yeongnam confucian group. Specifically, Nampa was most actively involved in the project of enshrining Yeoheon, and he defined Yeoheon's scholaristic mantle as 'assertion that does not come from the teacher whom specifies(不由師承論)'. Basing on this understanding, he pushed ahead the controversial project of enshrining Yeoheon's tablet in Imgo Seowon(臨皐書院). Although Nampa's scholaric key concepts cannot be found clearly, he tried to diffuse Yeoheon's academic thought over other regions, and by this activity, he tried to solidify Yeoheon's scholarstic achievement and status. His activity confirms that he was most distinctive student of Yeoheon. Ultimately, He was the central figure of late times of Yeoheon school, comparing to the most prestigious fifteen scholars(樑頌十五賢) and ten scholars(旅門十哲) who represented the early times of Yeoheon school.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.70-81
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• 2023

The choice of business method is a necessary decision at the last moment of life, and to this end, we use several criteria. Our funeral methods were dominated by ancestral worship culture and religion, not nature. It is only recently that nature was used as a means from a human perspective, but natural field methods such as consideration for nature and symbiosis with nature have emerged. The recent high public preference for natural fields is today's strong zeitgeist and nature-friendly values. Based on statistics in 2021, Korea's national cremation rate exceeded 92%, and compared to less than 20% of the cremation rate just 20 years ago, our business method has changed rapidly. As the cremation promotion movement and government policies, which began in the early 90s, were systematically developed, the enshrinement facility was established next to us. However, while this was also subject to criticism of national damage, the Jang Act called natural field was introduced into the system in 2008, and about 15 years have passed, but the revitalization of natural field is slower than expected. One of the reasons for the stagnation of development is to forget the basic spirit of the natural field (once you return to the forest), and to think like a graveyard grave. Accordingly, this study aims to identify the background of the introduction and current operation of natural fields and present development measures to improve memorial services to make natural fields loved by the people.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.317-346
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• 2009

Soongeuimyo is a shrine which has Liu Bei 劉備 as the main ceremonial figure and also Guan Yu 關羽 and Zhang Fai 張飛 as ceremonial figures as well as 8 others such as Zhege Liang, Zhao Yun, Ma Chao, Huang Zhong, Uang Bo, Zhou Zhang, Zhao Ru, and Guan Ping. Since one of the ceremonial figures is Guan Yu, it has been considered and discussed as a Guanwangmyo 關王廟. It is also witnessed by the terms called the East, South, or North tomb that were the existing Guanwangmyo, or even 'West' tomb 西廟. Of course, the relationship between Guanwangmyo and Soongeuimyo cannot be excluded because they both have Guan Yu. However, Soongeuimyo is different from Guanwangmyo in some aspects. Soongeuimyo was of a higher grade than Guanwangmyo in the quality of the ceremonial figures, and it had a completely different music and dances 악무, in which it included court music(雅樂), orchestra for court music(雅樂樂懸), and Yugilmu 六佾舞. Since the first enshrinement ritual in April 27, 1904, the period of Soongeuimyo Jerye was performed for only 4 years until the close in July, 1908, which made it less known. Furthermore, because Japanese Governor General used Soongeuimyo land as orphanages and schools for the blind and the dumb, the tomb areas were completely destroyed and the space to recall memories of Soongeuimyo was lost. However, Soongeuimyo Jerye was one of the country's important ceremonies conducted as Joong Sa 中祀 with complete assessment of traditional music and dance for Jerye. Also, as a Jerye that Go Jong 高宗 designed as a strong soldier policy after his coronation as an emperor to enhance Dae Han empire's military power, it has much significance as Dae Han empire's last national ceremony newly created besides Hwangu Jerye 圜丘祭 after his coronation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.210-223
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• 2014

When sarira reliquary was found in stone pagoda of Mireuksa Temple, there were 494 gold artifacts, including inner gold pot, gold plate with inscription for Sarira enshrinement, etc. Most of gold artifacts were crafted, but there were 22 gold plates and 4 gold ingots, which did not have any specific shape. It was considered that they had not been crafted. Since gold exists as a metal rather than a metallic oxide in nature, in general, it can be crafted by melting and shaping. However, gold in nature has impurities so it has to be refined to have malleability. The characteristic features were identified through the analysis of gold artifacts from sarira reliquary found in stone pagoda of Mireuksa Temple. The analysis result showed that there were 3 types of gold; pure gold artifacts, artifacts produced with silver containing gold and natural gold ingots. Inner gold pot, gold earrings and gold small beads were produced with pure gold and they contained less than 1wt.% of copper. It seemed like they were produced as pure gold to be shaped by hammering. Gold plate with inscription, tweezers, gold earrings, ingots, etc. were produced with silver containing gold as they had to be more solid. Gold ingots seemed to be natural gold considering the distribution of silver and copper in them, but it cannot be concluded as there are not enough information on gold ingots in Korea. The comprehensive research on gold ingots from various regions in Korea has to be carried out to confirm the above. Sarira Reliquary showed the very sophisticated gold craftsmanship. Gold ingots with the inscriptions, which say 1 nyang, were approximately 14g. Considering the weight of these ingots as standard, weights of other ingots were half nyang(7g), 2 nyang(28g), etc.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.281-304
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• 2022

Heungdeokjeon was the first pavilion built on the site of Sueocheong during the expansion of Gyeongungung. In this study, we tried to clarify the specific construction process of Heungdeokjeon, which was used for various purposes such as the copy location for Portraits of ancestors, temporary enshrinement site, and the funeral building for the rest of the body, which is Binjeon. In addition, we tried to confirm the historical value based on the characteristics derived by the history of the building and the rituals performed. Heungdeokjeon began to be built in the second half of 1899, and is estimated to have been completed between mid-February and mid-March 1900. It was a ritual facility equipped with waiting rooms for the emperor and royal ladies as an annex. The relocation work was planned in April 1901 and began in earnest after June, and it was closely linked to the construction of attached buildings of Seonwonjeon. In addition, comparing the records on the construction and relocation cost of Heungdeokjeon with those related to the reconstruction of Seonwonjeon, it was confirmed that annex buildings of Heungdeokjeon were relocated and used as annex buildings of Seonwonjeon. The characteristics identified in the process of Heungdeokjeon used as a place to copy portraits are as follows. First, it was used as a place to copy portraits twice in a short period of time. Second, it was the place where the first unprecedented works were carried out in relation to the copying of portraits. Third, the pavilion, which was specially built for imperial rituals, was used as a place to copy portraits. Since then, it has been used as a funeral building for the rest of the body, and features different from those of the previous period are identified. It was the building dedicated to rituals for use as Binjeon, and was also a multipurpose building for copying portraits. In other words, Heungdeokjeon, along with Gyeongbokgung Taewonjeon, is the building that shows the changes in the operation of Binjeon in the late Joseon Dynasty. Characteristics are also confirmed in portrait-related rituals performed at Heungdeokjeon. The first is that Jakheonlye was practiced frequently in a short period of time. The second is that the ancestral rites of Sokjeolje and Bunhyang in Sakmangil, which are mainly held in the provincial Jinjeon, were identified. This is a very rare case in Jinjeon of the palace. The last is that Jeonbae, jeonal, and Bongsim were implemented mutiple times. In conclusion, Heungdeokjeon can be said to be a very symbolic building that shows the intention of Gojong, who valued imperial rituals, and the characteristics of the reconstruction process of Gyeongungung.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.37-47
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• 2024

Currently, social interest in post-cremation funerals is growing due to the establishment of cremation culture. In addition, as awareness of nature-friendly funeral methods spreads in modern times, the demand for tree burial grounds and tree groves, which are representative natural burial methods, is increasing. However, if the current method of relying on trees is used, the forest burial may damage the forest and turn it into another cemetery. The tree decoration is a funeral method that contains the temporal meaning of humans returning to the space of nature that we have, and the philosophical meaning that humans return in compliance with nature. Like this, there are quite a few concerns. Even though tree burials are not the traditional burial facilities we are familiar with, many of the facilities and operating systems adopt the standards of park cemeteries and have stricter standards and restrictions than natural burials under the law. This rigidity is intended to preserve the forest, but the reality is that it limits the expansion and operation of tree plantations. To this end, this study seeks to find specific improvement measures for sustainable tree plantation operation. To this end, we look at the types of natural fields in foreign countries and find directions for tree planting that can be effectively applied and established in accordance with the sentiments of the people. Specific improvement measures include an enshrinement method that does not rely on memorial trees, the operation of anonymous or anonymous tree planting, a change in the method of visiting and commemorating, and various mountaineering methods, thereby suggesting alternatives to sustainable tree planting in Korea. The place where tree planting is implemented is the forest, that is, the forest itself. I should be a place where the spirit of natural return, which is the essence of the deceased, can be celebrated through the forest, not a funeral facility. By doing so, it will be possible to provide the public value of the forest, that is, the social function of the forest, in the name of an eco-friendly funeral service.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.