In this paper, I have attempted to show how the environmental controversy surrounding the Saemangeurn Reclamation Project in Korea has been framed as narrow scientific debates. First of all, science, or specifically the Expert Review Pane, has played dual roles in the controversy. On the one hand, it has contributed to illuminating the future environmental impacts of reclamation, by so doing, to providing a momentum to reconsider the project. This has significant meaning that environmental concerns successfully checked the symbolic national project of developmental era through adopting a joint-investigation scheme that guaranteed participation of environmental groups on an equal footing with the government. On the other hand, by limiting the scope and participants of discussion, it fundamentally blocked the possibilities of public debates and deliberative decision-making with full considerations of the political, social, and cultural aspects of the controversy. I have shown that this is due to the realist belief shared by both the developers and the environmentalists in Korea that 'proper' science would disclose the truth. Environmental groups, in particular, were naive in evaluating the role of scientific expertise in the controversy and neglected the political role of the Expert Review Pane as a ritual. In opposition to the realist argument, I have shown through the analysis of the water quality debates concerning the future fresh water lakes that scientific 'facts' were not discovered but constructed through complex negotiations, conflicts, and compromises among related actors. The framing of the controversy as an experts' debate has resulted in the exclusion of an important actor from the discussion. Little attention has been paid throughout the controversy to the very people who have lived in the Saemangeum area for generations and will lose their livelihood all together soon. About 20,000 fishermen are living on the Saemangeum tidal flats.
The result of this paper runs as follows: 1. The theory of preclinic phase (=mibyung) was scientifically completed as one basic philosophy in "NAEKYUNG(內經)" and on influenced in the coming generations. Two principles for mibyung is to grow good energy and to avoid etiological cause. 2. So far oriental medicine has responded to already diseases, while to recognize the importance of mibyung is to convert it into preventive medicine which study and improve health. In spite of the opinion that no disease is health and no health is disease, the contrite of medical approch by the relative importance is necessary by understanding the steps of mibyung between health and disease with subdividing the steps of the occurance therefore, the scope of oriental medicine may be recognized from every disease to mibyung, that is, health. 3. Diagnosing and treating in the step of mibyung has more important meaning than suffering step because the checkup of mibyung means early examination and treatment. Mibyung can make an opportunity that improve scientific contradiction and defect of oriental medicine. However, scince the theory and practice lack the arrangement and study, much exertion and discussion is necessary.4. The diagnosis and cure in mibyung doesn't have many methods for treating, its index and standard isn't nified, and related theory is of small quantity. But the most prominent means of solution. with combination with other sciences and through the convertion into modem clinical examination, is to accomplish moderization, objectivity and indexation, etc. 5. The representive mibyungs are a hereditary disease, immune lack, mutation, early tumor, incubation of hepatitis and each infectious diseases, stress, etc. Since every science is the product of the times, it has the historical limits. As the times develop, the desire for good health is growing. Therefore we should consider above request in this times.
There is an increasing curiosity in Nordic as well as Far East Asian countries about senior cohousing, where the middle-aged and elderly people, 55+. form a community for independent living. What are the ideas behind senior cohousins? Why are people moving to senior cohousing community? What may senior cohousing provide and mean for individuals and groups of the elderly? Is senior cohousing a sustainable idea for future generations of elderly people? There is a curiosity among elderly people looking for interesting alternatives. Municipalities and state authorities hope that senior cohousing can contribute to the welfare of the elderly as the scope far support by the public sector is decreasing. Actors in the building sector are interested In investment and meeting the demands. In Denmark and Sweden the senior cohousing concept had a revival around 1985. In Denmark there has been a vivid discussion and plenty of books have been published. In Sweden there are few evaluations but an increasing interest. From different points of view, Danish, Swedish and Nordic as well as Far East Asian countries, there is a concern to explore and compare to get more facts and deeper understanding far further actions. This is a comparative study of inhabitants' life satisfaction in cohousing communities in Denmark and Sweden. The study is based on discussions with cohousing providers, study-visits in cohousing communities and a questionnaire to residents themselves. Study-visits took place during springtime and the questionnaires were handled spring and summer of 2002. 655 seniors responded to the questionnaire from 14 seniorbofae llesskaber (rented or housing cooperatives) in Denmark, 11 seniorhus within the SABO sector (municipality owned housing with rental apartments) and 8 housing cooperatives initiated by the Seniorgarden Housing Company in Sweden. Data were analyzed by SPSS program, using frequency, percentage, cross-tab and chi-square test. This paper focused three major areas of interest; 1)characteristics of the inhabitants. 2) participation in common activities and mutual cooperation among residents and 3) evaluative outcomes from the inhabitants' points of view. Mainly the inhabitants expressed quite positive experiences of their living environment and everyday lift and a few difference was found in life satisfaction between Denmark and Sweden.
In this paper, I tried to examine the aspects of overcoming the aftermath of war through literary works. As history is continuously being reinterpreted and reevaluated, historical figures are described differently and given new meanings especially in the field of literature. It is not only important to examine these interpretations from previous generations themselves; it is also important to analyze them from a modern day perspective and look closely at their meanings. This research, by focusing on the post Manchu's invasion period, I examined the contemporary discussion. Literary works which were written in the post Manchu's invasion had different meaning comparing to the other time. Scholars at that time wanted to use historical figures as an allegory of temporary national situation. And this social phenomena was deeply related to the temporary discourses such like wipe off a disgrace by taking revenge on Qing (boksu $s{\breve{o}}lch^{prime}I$, 復讐雪恥) or loyalty to the Ming dynasty ($taemy{\breve{o}}ng$${\breve{u}}iri$, 對明義理). So that this research takes genre, time period, and nationality as the main variables to interpret typical historical figures and study their aspects.
This study aims to identify the micro-level, social psychological foundation of regionalism and analyze its change and continuity by comparing 1988, 2003, and 2016 survey results. Drawing on the theory of prejudice and social identity, it clarifies the concept of regionalism and examines its affective, behavioral, cognitive implications. In the empirical analysis, where it takes advantage of relevant questions of the same or similar wording in three nationally representative surveys, the study identifies the changes in regionalism at the individual level focusing on anti-Honam prejudice and discrimination and attribution of regional conflict. First, anti-Honam prejudice has been in decline nationally as well as regardless of where one has grown up, except for Daegu/Kyungpook area. Second, anti-Honam prejudice has been weakened among younger generations while regional party identification now affects the sentiment in the direction of regional cleavage overlapped with ideological leanings. Third, while most respondents do not experience explicit discrimination, Honam natives are still more likely to experience discrimination, especially identity and self-esteem related, due to his or her home town. Fourth, Honam natives have been more likely to attribute regional conflict to an external, structural factor like government economic policy and less likely to a subjective one like regional sentiment, which seems to be consistent with attributional attitudes of the victims of prejudice. The study ends with the discussion of how to reduce further anti-Honam prejudice, which includes contact hypothesis, recategorization, cross-categorization, and de-categorization.
Buddhism was introduced in the Korea Peninsula 1600 years ago, and now there are over 10 million believers in Korea. The systematic Management of Temple Records has a spiritual and cultural value in a rapidly changing modern society. This study proposes a better management system of Buddhist temple records for the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. this system Not only supports transparency of religious affairs, but presents a way for a more effective management. in this study, I conducted a study on the national legislation for the preservation of buddhist temples and the local rules of religious affairs from the Jogye Order. Through this, I analyzed the problems of Buddhist records management. in the long term, to improve these problems, I purpose the establishment of temple archives be maintained by parish head offices. This study presents a retention schedule for this systematic establishment system. I present charts for the standard Buddhist records management that manage the total process systematically from the production of records to its discard. Also I present a general plan to prevent random defamation of Buddhist temple documents and impose a duty for preservation. I intend for this plan to be subject to discussion and tailored to the particular needs of temple reads. In creating these charts standard of Buddhist temple records management, I analyzed operating examples of foreign religious institutions and examined their retention periods. I also examined the retention periods and classification system from the Jogye Order. Then I presented ways for this management system to operate through computer programs. There is a need to establish a large scale management system to arrange the records of buddhist documents. We must enforce the duty of conserving records through the proposed management system. We need the system to manage even the local parish temple records through the proposed management system and the operation of the proposed archive system. This study presents research to from the basic of the preservation and the passing of traditional records to future generations. I also discovered the historical cultural and social value that these records contain. Systematically confirmed Buddhist temple records management will pave the way that these tangible and intangible cultural records handed down from history can be the cultural heritages. establishing a temple records management system will pave the way for these cultural records to be handed down to future generations as cultural heritages.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
/
v.30
no.1
/
pp.135-145
/
2012
Traditional village forests called Dangsan forests and Bibo forests in Korea represent an unique cultural landscape with a history of more than several hundred years. Feng-shui forest in China, Satoyama and Shinto shrine forest in Japan are recognized internationally as 'traditional ecological landscapes'. Dangsan forests and Bibo forests have been preserved through generations in the villages, and are no less valuable than Feng-shui forest, and Satoyama. However, the names of Dangsan forest and Bibo forest have not been well recognized worldwide. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun is located on a mountain slope at a riparian forest. It consists of an evergreen broadleaf forest and Carpinus laxiflora forest. The characteristics of Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri could be found at 10 sacrifice offering places. Two Dangsan trees on the coastal area are included in the sacrifice offering places. Cultural heritage can retain their value when they are fully sustained. Additional construction, demolition or modification should be banned. Furthermore, all means must be taken to facilitate the preservation of monuments and the value and meanings pertaining to them should not be distorted. In a respect of authenticity, Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri, Wando-gun seems to have original Dangsan culture based on animism with a philosophic background, where a religious service for the mountain god is held at rock of mountain god, and Dangsan ritual is held at shrine on January 8 at 4:00 am by lunar calendar. Relating to the conservation and management of cultural heritage in international discussion, the importance is that whether there is sustainability on the right to the enjoyment of cultural heritage. Dangsan forest in Seoseong-ri is leaved alone to the public. The forest need a social mechanism to support the recovery of deformed shrine and to heighten public awareness of Dangsan forest in order to claim the value as a unique traditional ecological landscape in Korea.
In this paper, the writer examined the procedural changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和), and also investigated the evaluations thereof made by the later generations. In the stage of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), Zhuzi(朱子) ignored the theory of Lidong(李?), which was traditional theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). He met Zhangshi(張?) of HuXiang School(湖湘學派) and followed the school's philosophy, 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)', meaning what you should do first prior to making great efforts in self-cultivation is to examine the past, when desiring to know yourself. Even though Zhuzi(朱子) had learned the method of moral cultivation from Lidong(李?), he was fascinated by such method of moral cultivation as 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)' advocated by HuXiang School(湖湘學派) through discussion with Zhangshi(張?). This tells that he only recognized the fact that there were no achievements WeiFa(未發), but only the achievements YiFa(已發). In the stage of ZhongHeXinShuo(中和新說), he realized the mistakes committed in the time of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), and put emphasis upon the achievements in the time WeiFa(未發). Zhuzi(朱子) had explained the relationships among mind, nature, and emotional bond as by his theory, 'XinTongXingQing(心統性情)', meaning that mind controls humans' original nature. Also he followed self-cultivation of Respect, no longer believing the Huhong(胡宏)'s XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養). Such a method of self-cultivation means that his method of moral cultivation centered on the achievements YiFa(已發), which was originated from HuXiang School(湖湘學派), had been changed into the method of moral cultivation with a focus on the achievements WeiFa(未發), which was theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). However, Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) that had seemed perfect began to be discussed and polished again during Joseon Period through the debates between Ligu(栗谷) and Niuxi(牛溪) in the 16th century, and through the debates between Youan(尤庵) and Yuxuan(寓軒) in the 17th century, also through the HuLuoLunZheng(湖洛論爭) represented by Nantang(南塘) and Weiyan(巍巖). Since Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) had some flaws, it had to put through such debates as mentioned above. Those debates were generated because imperfections were found in the theory of ZhongHe(中和) by Zhuzi(朱子).
Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.
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