• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.1-19
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• 2022

This study predicts and raises the changes that AI will bring to dance art when machine-based choreography began, and finds questions we can ask as human artists. Research suggests that one of the crises of dance in the era of machine creative arts is that artificial intelligence does not stay in the tool of human choreography but becomes the subject of choreography. It is based on the political discourse of choreography that artificial intelligence has the power to control and restrict human dancers. This comes from a sense of crisis that the AI takes over the area of choreography and the human choreographer remains an incompetent coordinator, and as a result, the dancer's dancing body can be reduced to a mechanical body controlled by AI. In order for these concerns not to become a reality, this study proposes three measures. First, choreographer and dancer should develop digital literacy to live in the age of AI art. Secondly, choreographer should acquire the ability to accurately distinguish the roles of human choreographer, dancer, and AI in creative work. Thirdly, various levels of discourse on AI dance should be formed by actively conducting mutual media research of dance and technology. Through these efforts, the human dancer will exist as a subject of art, not a passive agent in the new dance ecosystem brought by the innovation of artificial intelligence technology and will be able to face an era coexistence with artificial intelligence creativily and productively.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.69-79
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• 2011

This study is the text discourse of agenda setting through media policy on the three communities. The materials of subjects are the 71 text discourses that appeared in the columns, the special manuscripts, and the comments on the contemporary topics in 33 media. The subjects focuses on the metaphor, metonymy, and binary transposition. This kind of connotation tends to be imploded into people through media, so that it produces hyperreality. This process produces the regulation and strengthens the reality through the circuit of culture. Thus this research tries to develop the theoretical foundation for analysing the text discourse produced by the media. Also it focuses on widening the research scope to study the effects that the circuit of culture provides on the politics, society, and economics. Therefore The first, the objective meanings(denotation)which the referents of the community as T'PALACE, I'PARK, and STARCITY are 'larger scale', 'high and skyscraper', 'the rich people and the plutocrats who have very high academic career' and ' the residence place for the famous stars and successful CEOs', etc. and the subjective meanings, connotations which the referents of the community are 'The first street' transposes '1%' 'their own space' into the characteristics of the wealth of Gangnam district or Korean wealth', the additional significations which the metaphors such as 'the noble community', 'the sample for the high -level residential space', and 'the greed of 1%'. Conclusion, The significations of the symbols became imploded into the population and circulated along with the cultural streams through the media. The referents are recreated and consumed among the other communities such as the named 'PALACE', 'I'PARK', 'STARCITY' in the other areas. This kind of ideology tends to create the myths such as 'the 1% rich people of Gangnam', 'the first street of Korean wealth', and create the regulation such as 'the compound taxes for the real-estates', 'the policy of reducing the taxes for the rich', 'the policy of reducing the taxes for the 1% of the rich'. Also these regulations make the politicians operate new policies and are being utilized as 'slogan' for the politicians.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.292-312
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• 2001

The ecological crisis today can be seen as a result of modernity which has been developed on the Cartesian dualism of subject/object, and of human being/nature, and thereby has huts objectified and subjugated nature through science and technology New environmental ethics hence should be developed urgently against modernity and to overcome the present ecological crisis. This paper aims to consider some implications for ecology and environmental ethics in the post-structurists'arguments struggling against modernity to formulate new frameworks of discourse and politics, and to examine a possibility to theorize environmental justice on the basis of postmodem ecology. For this purpose, this paper first looks on ecological arguments and implications for environmental ethics in post-structuralism, then tries to gain prominent ecological insights, focusing on ethology and 'rhizomatic naturalism'in the philosophy of Deleuze, and finally interprets both bioregionalism as a theory of 'difference' from postmodern point of view and Deleuze's ecology in terms of symbiosis and difference, in order to conceptualize environmental justice.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.480-491
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• 2008

Recent globalization and de-industrialization have caused intensive competition among places; hence, cities worldwide are pursuing regeneration and enhanced competitiveness through cultural strategies. Focusing on the cultural strategies of local cities in Japan, this paper reveals that the concept of "being-a-region" is key to cultural strategies, and explores what logic is inherent in such regional developments. Since the period of rapid economic growth, Japanese local cities have played the role of "Furusato(home) for Japanese." With the recent decentralization, "being-a-region" is now emerging as a powerful discourse for the cultural strategies of local cities. This idea of "being-a-region" can be largely defined as a region's special character or even an existential sense of place, but in fact it is political relationships among agencies that define the region. "Being a region" in Japan appears to extend to "being a nation." Thus, it would be necessary to focus on the power relationships that surround the concept of "being a region" when we deal with the meaning of region in relationships to cultural strategies of local cities.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.199-225
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• 2017

Death and the Maiden(1990), by the Chilean playwright Ariel Dorfman, directly addresses the issue of liquidating the past that the transient democratic government of Patricio Aylwin faced, the government established right after the end of the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. This article focuses on analyzing the aspects of conflicts and discords between memories of individuals as reflected in the conversations between characters of the play. For example. we look into the effects of traumatic memories of Paulina, tortured and raped by the past government, on her everyday life and examine the relationship between her personal memory and the collective memory. We also look into the discourse of the dominating memory through the confession of the rapist doctor Roberto, and observe how Gerardo, a lawyer appointed as a member of the investigation committee, exposes the truth of the case and mediates the conflict of the memories between the two characters. We uncover the problems inherent in the state memory as it tries to intervene in the strife in memories between assailants and victims and explore the possibility that the concept of memory deterritorialization would be an alternative to overcome these problems.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.329-352
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• 2017

Since the late 2000s Korean foreign direct investors in North Korea and China border regions have gone through the closure of outward processing trade(OPT) networks and changes in their location due to UN security council resolution and Korean independent sanctions against North Korea's nuclear and missile tests. However, the introduction of new Chinese OPT policy has led to the invigoration of domestic market-based OPT networks towards North Korea. The main aim of this paper is to identify the exceptional characteristics of Dandong in Liaoning province, a North Korea and China border region by analyzing OPT networks towards North Korea. Fundamentally the establishment of OPT networks towards North Korea is likely to be based on the utilization of a plenty of low wages in North Korea. The main reasons for this are fallen into two perspectives: geo-economics and geo-politics. The first perspective is geo-economics centering on the consolidation of economic exchange between North Korea and China, and North Korean economic development. For example, the introduction of Chinese OPT in border region has enabled Chinese local firms based on domestic market to access a plenty of low wage in North Korea in formal and institutional contexts. The second is geo-politics for the stability of North Korean regime based on the means of geo-economics. As the invigoration of domestic market-based OPT networks might make North Korea possible promoting foreign money earning, it enable North Korea to be sustainable as a buffering region between capitalist and socialist regime for China. It shows Chinese geo-strategic attempts to deal with the economic and regime stability of North Korean as a buffering state. In other words, OPT networks in North Korea should be concerned with the discourse practice of geo-economics and geo-politics which might lead to various and contingent spatial economies in border region. As a consequence, North Korea and China border regions could defined as a space in which is applicable to exceptional institutions and policies, and an exploitative space in which create surplus and rents by utilizing a plenty of low wages in North Korea through OPT networks.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.99-123
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• 2017

We analyzed the movie (2016/ directed by J-yong E), which is entangled in politics of gender, age, class, or sexuality, naming as "spaces of Others", using the concepts of heterotopia of Foucault. Foucault addressed three types of spaces: the realistic space where we currently live, the unrealistic and non-existent utopia, and heterotopia, which functions antithetically to reality. Thus, Foucault's heterotopia can be considered to indicate "heterogeneous spaces" in reality. The Bacchus Lady revolves a 65-year old prostitute So-Young, sells her body to old men at the parks in downtown of Seoul. Old prostitute on streets are often referred as "Bacchus Ladies", because suggest the popular energy drink a bottle of Bacchus while selling sex. The movie represents some minorities such as transgender, Tina and madam of the club, G-spot, migrant women like Camila and Aindu, and a amputee, Dohoon. Through these people's bodies, the problems such as imperials, nations, ethnics, gender, age, class are entangled in the movie. The politics of these points work and construct heterotopias in four spaces of Others. First, the spaces which ageing and death are intersected. Second, the spaces of So-Young for prostitutes, Third, the spaces of So-Young's mothering: she adopted her baby to American when he was a infant, so she have felt guilty. Fourth, the spaces for So-young's quasi-family with Minho, a Kopian boy who was abandoned by Korean father, Dohoon, who is a poor amputee, and Tina, who is a transgender singer. Fifth, the spaces of speech of So-Young as the subaltern: the subaltern does not have the language to express its own experiences. In order to listen to the words of subaltern, we must do the task of measuring the silence. This cinematic representation of So-young as the subaltern makes her speak about her situation. Finally, the spaces constructed by the movie can be connected 'heterotopia of crisis', 'heterotopia of deviation' and 'heterotopia of fantasy'. The spaces of the movie represents lives of Others, nevertheless, So-Young's Otherness through spaces of heterotopia was transformed to an absolute Other by patriarchal traits of cinematic narrative.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.607-617
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• 2014

This article aims to explain some academic subjects based on the film, and accordingly investigate how they are to be converged and then educate individuals. The reasons why should be chosen as a text are as follows: this film is said to be fictional, but based on historical fact. Then, it attracts national attention. Third, it induces the spectators to judge the value of conscience, law, and morals, through the trial process, for themselves and leads them to raise the awareness of the historical, and political conditions at the time. Last, but not least, it contributes to the discourse on various type of men in contemporary days, by dint of analysis on the main characters. The results of the research are listed below: most of all, literature education(Korean language) could be proceeded with the help of epic analysis on . Secondly, considering the film develops the story using political allegory as discussion, along with the historic situation in those days, learning on history and politics could be made possible. Third, the film could be undoubtedly used to conduct the education of law and morality, forming the argument on required law and morals corresponding with ideological circumstance. Finally, education on film analysis could be conducted, by means of examination of the main characters. The analysis on the major characters helps to teach what it would be like for people to become the right ones, by both representing the members of society and determining the quality of life and relationship.