• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.14-27
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• 2019

This study presents a plan for a memorial park that respects the characteristics based on the historical facts for the concept of space of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army and the location of the 505 Security Forces, which were designated as historic sites after the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The Gwangju Metropolitan City as it is the location of the 5-18 historic sites, is taking part in the 5-18 Memorial Project, and plans to establish a city park recognizing the historic site of the 5-18 Democratization Movement, which has been preserved only as a memory space to this point. The park is promoting a phased development plan. This study suggests that the 5-18 historic sites can be modernized and that social consensus can establish the framework of the step-by-step planning and composition process to ensure the plans for the space heals wounds while preserving the history. In this paper, we propose a solution to a problem. We solve the approach for space utilization through an analysis of precedent research and planning cases related to park planning at historical sites. In addition to exploring the value of the site, we also describe the space utilization strategy that covers the historical characteristics and facts while maintaining the concept of park planning. As a result of the research, the historic site of the Gwangju Hospital of Korea Army is planned as a park of historical memory and healing in order to solve the problems left behind by the 5-18 Democratization Movement. The historic site of the 505 Security Forces was selected as an area for historical experiences and a place for learning that can be sympathized with by future generations of children and adolescents in terms of expanding and sustaining the memory of the 5-18 Democratization Movement. In the planning stage, the historical sites suggested the direction of space utilization for representation as did the social consensus of citizens, related groups, and specialists. Through this study, we will contribute to construction of a memorial park containing historical values in from 5-18 historic sites. It is meaningful to suggest a direction that can revitalize the life of the city as well as its citizen and can share with the history with future generations beyond being a place to heal wounds and keep alive the memory of the past.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.157-169
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• 2015

This study focuses on Korea films of historical communication. Narrative analysis was conducted on the films in 2000s including , and <26 Years> that mainly have dealt with the 'Gwangju Democratization Movement'. As a result of the syntagmatic analysis, these films try to stabilize 'social imbalances' in the aspect of individuals and conceals issues of social structure. In addition, the result of paradigmatic analysis reveals that textual factors of 'active involvement of female characters', 'continuity of history through the survivors' demonstrate its strategies to publicize the historical truth. Consequently these films show its limitations that weakens historical meaning by placing unsolved problems of social structure as well as the love story. But rather than describing it as a history of the past, these films act as a catalyst to bring thins specific historical issue to our present lives and publicize it as a current issue. Therefore, the historical film not only allows current generation to remind to history but also to provide an opportunity to publicize the important issues of social structure in the present society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.45
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• pp.121-153
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• 2015

Struggles to gain acknowledgement of identity have a characteristic of movement to recover human dignity. Participants in this movement come to confirm themselves as the subject of rights and communicate one another, free from oppression. Being guaranteed the opportunity to participate in the public opinion formation process is an indispensable element of human rights. In 1980, though it was short and incomplete, Gwangju experienced communal autonomy under the condition that state power was temporarily stopped. The contents and memories of the Gwangju Democratization Movement that intended to protect autonomy of civil society, resisting pillage of state power, remain intact in the 1980 Archives for the May 18th. The 5.18 archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World in 2011, with its value of human rights and protection of democracy being acknowledged. The 5.18 archives have memories of resistance and struggles for justice, and sacrifices and pains of citizens under oppressive political authority in Gwangju, 1980. Thus, these archives are related to the historical struggles for democracy, and suggest a lesson on the transition process towards democracy to us. Preservation and utilization of the documentary heritage constantly lead the memories of historical events to the present, and enable exchanges of experiences and ideas between the present and the future. This study, through the process of UNESCO's Memory of the World registration and post-registration process, beyond the value of archives, tries to examine how historical events are led to the present, through the archives and to discuss the other values of archives.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.141-179
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• 2016

In May 2011, the 1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising or the "5 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement" were registered as a UNESCO Memory of the World. This historic moment told the world that the 5 18 movement is a valuable and historical asset. However, despite the international recognition, archives that deny of such facts are still rampant because of misdirected standings and prejudices. These sources even develop discourses by distorting the archives to justify their claims. Accordingly, the study aimed to identify how these sources form ideologies surrounding the 5 18 movement discourses, which are characteristic of extreme social standings. It explored the possibility of the distortion of archives presented for each discourse and reconsidered the archivists' positions and roles to cope with such possibility. In addition, the author aims to suggest a more systemic strategy to advance the existing responses against the distortions, as well as provide discourses that are based on true and accurate archives mainly to students who have not yet been introduced to such distorted discourses. In the future, archivists shall try to develop positive awareness about the 5 18 discourses rather than maintain passive positions that provide information from limited archives. Through this, it is expected that this study will advance future analyses that would be effective against the distortion of archives.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.125-136
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• 2013

This paper studied the transition of changes in social status of the film since 1980s' Korea. After accepting the changes in social status of the film as the legitimation process of recognition for social and cultural value, this study investigated those influencing factors. For the purpose, opportunity structure in social movement theory was engaged as a theoretical background. The structured opportunity, which was considered as external variables of the film world, was divided into chance and risk factors. In this paper, the opportunity factors, affecting the legitimation process of film, included the emergence of popular culture movement. The risk factors, being considered as the violation of American filmdom and the consequential response of strategies were also researched. Those factors were responsible not only for external variables of filmdom, but also for compensators and competitors in the legitimation process of the film. Since 1980s', cultural industrial growth and democratization generation's entry into the film world affected the legitimation of the film as significant cultural product. Besides, the threat of American film industry changed rationality and competitive landscape of Korean film world.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.18 no.33
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• pp.185-197
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• 1995

Labor union movements brought wage workers into being in the process of industrialization after the Industrial Revolution and they were started with efforts to solve a variety of special problems, brought up in the industrial society by systematic activities. Labor union shows us many differences in the direction of the movement according to its philosophical tendency. Objective of this study is as follows : To find out the problems of labor union movements for democratization of management to present the direction of labor movements based on the democracy of Industry. Accordingly chapter II examines on the Labor union literally for better understanding of the labor union movements Chapter III deals with the structure, characteristic and development process of our country's labor union chronologically. And on the basis of the development process chapter IV suggests the roles on the union, management and government for better union movements. Chapter V reaches a conclusion.