• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.50-72
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.198-230
• /
• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.75
• /
• pp.43-79
• /
• 2016

An increase in the number of immigrants to Korea since the late 1980s' has signified the proliferation of globalization and global capitalism. In Korea, most married immigrants are women, as the culture emphasizes patrilineage and the stability of the institution of marriage, particularly in rural areas. Immigrant women have experienced dual ordeals. The Aogra Internet community in Korea has been one of the most representative sites that has shown the power of communities in cyberspace since 2002, leading the discussion of social issues and deliberative democracy both online and offline. This paper analyzed Koreans' writings (such as long comments) on immigrant women in the Agora community. The analysis revealed the following results: first, immigrant women were referred to using terms related to prostitution, with excessive expression of disgust, which is called a "narrative of identity." Second, anti-multiculturalists called Korean men victims of married immigrant women and expressed hatred toward immigrant women, which is called a "narrative of sacrifice." Third, anti-multiculturalists justified their emotions as just resentment based on ideas of justice, equality, and patriotism, concealing the emotion of disgust, which is called the "narrative of justice, equality." Fourth, antimulticulturalists played roles to spread the emotion of disgust, by repeatedly referring to international marriage fraud and immigrant workers' crimes, which is called "narrative of crime." Fifth, some positive writings on immigrant women were based on empathy(a concept defined in this context by Martha Nussbaum), but they can be analyzed as narratives encouraging cultural integration through the perspective of orientalism. Therefore, comments on immigrant women in the Agora represent a "catch-22" dilemma. To deal with conflicts arising from disgust and violations of human rights, civic education focusing on humanism is needed in this multicultural era.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.56
• /
• pp.219-236
• /
• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.71
• /
• pp.75-115
• /
• 2015

This study is to describe the meaning of associations at $5{\cdot}18$-related photographic portrait phenomenologically. Referent in the photography arouses different and unique type of associations. Moreover, it appears differently emotional experience by the associations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe types of associations and emotional experience about referents gained through $5{\cdot}18$ photography and to construct the meaning. It is based on concepts of primordial associations discussing in the phenomenology but this study was described the meaning of $5{\cdot}18$ the May 18th democratic uprising focusing on types of associations and meanings derived by direct experience from photography. According to this result, the viewpoint of $5{\cdot}18$ Democracy Movement approaches from objective academic system or cannot be withdrew as dynamics of the political ideology. It is that the fundamental and impulsive emotions from each individual who participated in the movement are affected. The fundament of the May 18th democratic uprising is based on their basis of life and the will to primitive power of a love & affective community.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.42
• /
• pp.44-78
• /
• 2008

The present study explored the agenda setting effects of replies called "Daet-Gul", and perception of the news replies. This study has established three research questions: 1) the recognition of the online communication 2) the degree of the reading and writing on online spare 3) the amount of the effects on the online communication. This study is performed using survey method. The survey results indicated in that the participants are very passive readers and writers on the online spare. In addition, the survey repliers evaluated that replies' mechanical device and antigravitational speed have high score, whereas they marked low store in the content and credibility of 'the replies. Therefore, they did not estimate the effects of the replies highly. All the results indicate that 'the replies' is not the fundamental factors of the deliberative democracy. It's because online communication with 'the replies' are thought to be fated the abuse and slander. Therefore, it's essential to improve the online communication with 'the replies', through the introduction of the 'trackback', which is a sort of the 'remote replies'

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.7-46
• /
• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
• /
• v.10 no.6
• /
• pp.161-167
• /
• 2010

Social individualized broadcasting increases rapidly in an environment that combines communication and broadcasting. Real-time individualized broadcasting is a service that is provided by multiple individuals to many and unspecified persons. In contrast, newly introduced individualized broadcasting service is a service that has not been experienced socially and culturally and therefore many problems are expected. The newly emerging real-time individualized broadcasting service may bring about various dysfunctions as well as desirable functions. Establishment of guideline and its implementation based in vulnerability analysis are necessary to prevent the expected dysfunctions and reinforce the desirable functions. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to examine dysfunctions of the information-oriented society which threaten cyber-norms, cyber-morality, cyber-dangers, cyber-democracy, etc. at the level of social individualized broadcasting service and to propose appropriate guidelines. Through this paper, first, future changes of dysfunctions of the information-oriented society due to individualized broadcasting service can be forecast, and countermeasures and policy directions can be proposed. Second, Dysfunctions of ICT-based service that may emerge in individualized broadcasting service can be forecast and correct guideline can be prepared to reduce potential dangers and increase desirable functions of the service. This paper will analyze in various aspects the characteristics of a new media with the focus on individualized broadcasting service among the new ICT-integrated services, and forecast the appearance and aggravation of the dysfunctions and then draw the guideline.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.81
• /
• pp.122-152
• /
• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.44
• /
• pp.144-179
• /
• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.