• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.43-52
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• 1996

[Goshogi] which is held from 9th to 16th January, every year is the Buddhist service of praying for the soul of Shinran's $(l173{\sim}1262)$ after death. It is the most majestic high-filling style and also unparalled in the annals of Japanese history in sacrificial offering. Shinran was horned in the Fujiwara's family. And not only he believed Prince Shodoku's belife but also retired to the mountain to enter the priesthood by it. Prince Shodoku built Horyu temple which is the typical temple of Nara ages. Buddism was transmitted from Korean peninsula, three countries of Silla, Bekje and Kokuryo effected on many field of Japnese culture during that ages. At the same time, Kasugadaisha and Danjanjinja of Shinto religion was built by Fujiwara Family. Both of them was Buddhist temple before. Throughout like these historical background, the facts what the religious services and the sacrificial offerings for Prince Shodoku, Wakamiyasai of Kasugas' and Kakitsusai of Danjanjinja must be influenced from Korean Peningula. So the dietary culture of the religious rites and traditional customs between two countries could be thought the relation with a narrow stream strait. But among them, in the size, color and shape, the cooking method and technique in the usage of rice powder and sugar, it is tops in value. The noteworthy points of the thought were as follows: 1. high-filling style of the sacrificial offerings what is mixed and harmonized with Buddhism, Confucious, Sharmanism, Toaism and Korean traditioal customs. 2. eating together of god and human. 3. the fusion of gods and Buddha.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.1361-1378
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• 2010

This paper argues that it is possible to construct an analogy of the literary fragment to an organic individual on the basis of an autonomous system of organic unity by reading William Wordsworth's ways of self-writing in The Prelude. The organicity of a fragment is borrowed from Friedrich Schlegel's theoretic and literary approach to the Romantic fragment. Focusing primarily on the two "spots of time" in Book Twelfth, I attempt to formulate a reciprocal relationship between a work of art and a literary autobiographer in terms of the self-generativity of the fragment. To be precise, both the fragment and the autobiographical project presuppose and at the same time depend on the engendering force of an organic unity and its resistance to discontinuity, which ironically affirms the persistent threat of disruption and death. Rewriting traumatic childhood experiences as rites of passage into adulthood, the two specified "spots of time" show the dominant mode of memory operative in the poem. Asserting the prominence of the individual as the very vehicle of realizing universal humanity, Wordsworth tries to re-form his individuality grounded in his childhood memories in a literary fashion. Under the premise that the poet is remembered by his posterity, The Prelude is constituted and reconstituted in conjunction with different versions of each memory. The poem also marks the poet's unachieved project of writing a philosophical poem, namely, The Recluse; for this very reason, The Prelude, which is complete in itself, points to an eternal work in progress, turning the truth of every fragment complete in its incompletion. As a trope of fragmentation, an autobiographical individuality is reformed in the poet's process of writing and re-visioning while simultaneously being dispersed once again between words, sentences, and pages.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.495-507
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• 2019

This study investigates the Gabo Jaedong Jemuljeongnyechaek, which is the recording of the darye executed over a period of a year in 1834 ($34^{th}$ year of reign by King Sunjo) in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, two years after the death of Princess Bokon, the $2^{nd}$ daughter of King Sunjo. Accordingly, we examined the types of darye (tea ceremonies) and the characteristics of the composition of foods at ancestral rites of the royal families of Joseon. Moreover, we also analyzed the cooking methods and characteristics of food terminologies used in the darye. This includes 39 categories of food and ingredients used for tea ceremonies held for one year, on behalf of the deceased Princess Bokon in 1834. The darye for the monthly national holiday was held along with the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ day of every month. The darye for rising up and the birthday darye were held on May $12^{th}$ and October $26^{th}$ of the lunar calendar, being the anniversaries of the death and the birth of Princess Bokon, respectively. The birthday darye and the darye for New Year's Day, Hansik ($105^{th}$ day after winter solstice), Dano ($5^{th}$ day of the $5^{th}$ month of the lunar calendar), and Thanksgiving "Chuseok" were held in the palace and at the burial site of the Princess. During the darye for rising up in May and the Thanksgiving darye at the burial site in August, rituals offering meals to the deceased were also performed. The birthday darye at the burial site of Princess Bokon featured the most extensive range of foods offered, with a total of 33 dishes. Foods ranging 13~25 dishes were offered at the national holiday darye, while the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ of the month included 9~11 food preparations, making them more simplified with respect to the composition of foods offered at the ceremony, in comparison to the national holiday darye. The dishes were composed of ddeok, jogwa, silgea, hwachae, foods such as tang, jeok, jjim, hoe, and sikhae, and grain-based foods such as myeon, mandu, and juk. Foods offered at the burial site darye included 12~13 dishes comprising ban, tang, jochi, namul, chimchae, and jang. Meals offered at the darye had a composition similar to that of the daily royal table (sura). Darye recorded in the Jemuljeongnyechaek displayed characteristics of the seasonal foods of Korea. Jemuljeongnyechaek has detailed recordings of the materials, quantities, and prices of the materials required for preparations of the darye. It is quite certain that Jemuljeongnyechaek would have functioned as an essential reference in the process of purchasing and preparing the food materials for the darye, that were repeated quite frequently at the time.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.127-159
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• 2009

This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.56-70
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• 2022

Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.311-343
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• 2004

Various aspect of epidemics broke out continually from the middle of Joseon Dynasty due to the famine and drought caused by abnormal climate of the sixteenth century and the war. Thus the Dynasty performed sacrificial rites, isolated the patients and published plenty of medical books related epidemics in order to cure of the patients, and Heojun edited 『Byeokyeoksinbang』 as 'Dangdokyeok' broke out at Gwanbuk(關北) districts in 1613, Heojun explained the cause of Dangdokyeok as meteorology under the feudal conditions, and concluded Simhwa(心火) by fever toxin, Therefore he selected the method of puting out Simhwa by attack of fever toxin. In addition he presented emergency treatment that can maintain the airway by bleeding. To treat Dangdokyeok, Heojun presented lots of prescriptions so as Seungmagalgeuntang(升麻葛根湯), Cheongyeolhaedoksan(淸熱解毒散), Yeongyopaedok-san(連翹敗毒散), Bangpungtongsaongsan(防風通聖散), Jowiseunggitang(調胃升氣湯) and Hwangryeonhaedoktang(黃連解毒湯) etc. And he proposed Samdueum (三豆飮), Realgar(石雄黃) and so on to prevent infection from that. They presume from 120 to 150 years as the period of human adaptation to the first epidemics. Dangdokyeok put a large number of people to death at first, but it wasn't referred at the history any more after Byeokyeoksinbang. So we can say that the treatment of Heojun may be effective. Common cold and dyspeptic cold broke out in our country differently from 'Shanghan(傷寒)' in the China, so we had settled 'pestilence infectious epidemic disease(瘟疫)' while 'epidemic febrile disease(溫病)' of the China. Dangdokyeok of Heojun is similar to 'Scalet fever' belonging to 'virulent heat pathogen(溫毒)', 'newly epidemic febrile disease(新感溫病)'. As a cure of Dangdokyeok, the Korean medicine uses the treatment of removing fever state whereas the western medicine uses the antibiotics to kill the streptococcus. The symptoms of Dangdokyeok are remarkably similar to those of the Scarlatina, so this occupies a high position on the world history of medicine in aspects of the period and details of symptoms. These days we have the problems that the tolerance of antibiotics increases and disease of unknown cause is prevalent. It means the western medicine get to limits. So if we progress epidemiography based on Heojun's medicine, we may contribute to the world history of medicine.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.491-505
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• 1992

The purpose of this research was to understand the structure of the lived experience of parents of a child terminally ill with cancer The research question was “What is the structure of the experience of parents of a child terminally ill with cancer\ulcorner” The sample consisted of 17 parents of children admitted to the cancer units of two university hospitals in Seoul. The unstructured interviews were carried out from October 10, 1991 through January 10, 1992. They were audio-recorded and analysed using Van Kaam's method. Parents ascribed the cause of the cancer to the mother's emotional imbalance during pregnancy, the mother's stress, failure to observe religious rites, food, the parent's sin, misfortune and pollution. The theme clusters were tension, fear and depression experienced during pregnancy, stress that children suffer from abusive parents, failure to observe religious activites, bad luck, and sins committed during a previous life. When the child suffered a recurrence of cancer, the parents experienced negative emotions, nervousness, sorrow. depression and death. The theme clusters were feelings of despair, helplessness, regret, guilt, insecurity, emptyness and apathy. The long struggle with cancer resulted in the loss of economic security, loss of psychological and physical well being, and social withdrawal. The theme clusters were the economic burden of medical cost, giving up treatment, debt, limited medical insurance coverage and blood transfusion. The loss of psychological well being included stress, lack of support systems, inability to carry out responsibilities, lack of trust of the medical ten family breakdown, inappropriate expression of emotion and not disclosing the diagnosis to the child. Physically the parents suffered fatigue, insomnia, loss of appetite, loss of weight, dizzness, headache, psychosomatic symptoms, and increased consumption of liquor and cigarettes. Social withdrawal was manifested by taking time off from work to look after the child, decrease of outside social activities and feelings of isolation. Influences on family life were spousal conflicts, negative response of siblings, separation of the family members and economic hardship. The theme clusters were blaming a spouse for the cause of the illness and disagreements, maladjustment, lonliness, hostility and depression of siblings. The high price of medical care over the long period was a major factor influencing the life of the family. Positive experiences during the child's long illness were the strengthening of support systems and religious beliefs and financial help from social organizations. The support of one's spouse primarily helped to overcome the stress of the long illness. In addition, support was received from parents of other children with cancer and from nurses and religious leaders. The nurse, by providing empathetic support, should be a person with whom parents can express their feelings and share their experiences.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.153-162
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• 1988

$D{\acute{o}}ck$ (Korean rice cake) is a peculiar food of Korea made of grain. By means of cooking from, it is defined as 'Pulvberzed food of grain' $D{\acute{o}}ck$ was one of the daily food, but development of boild rice had narrowed it's use to the food of festive days and ceremonies. $D{\acute{o}}ck$ is used as a main food of all Kinds of ceremonies from one's birth to death, such as the Three seven day(a baby's twenty-first day of life), one hunderdth day, birthday, wedding, both brithday, funeral and sacrifical rites, vocational ceremonies, such as a sacrifice to spirits and a srevics for a big catch of fish. It is also used as a present and seasonal food. A large variety of $D{\acute{o}}ck$ is available and its recipe is scientific and reasonable. In this treatise, the Kinds of $D{\acute{o}}ck$ and the frequency of them, the material, the recipe, the measuring unit of material, cooking kitchen utensils and the cooking terms are studied from the books published in Korea from 1670 to 1943. 1. $D{\acute{o}}ck$ was classified as Tcbin $D{\acute{o}}ck$(steamed), Chin $D{\acute{o}}ck$(strikn), Chijin $D{\acute{o}}ck$(fried) and Salmun $D{\acute{o}}ck$(boiled), according to its way of cooking. 2. There were 122 Kinds of $D{\acute{o}}ck$, 57 were Tchin $D{\acute{o}}ck$, 35 Chin $D{\acute{o}}ck$, 20 Chijin $D{\acute{o}}ck$, and 10 Salmun $D{\acute{o}}ck$. 3. There were 34 Kinds of measuring units. Of them, 13 for volume, 4 for weight, 9 for quantity, 4 for length and 4 for the rest. 4. There were 55 Kinds of cooking Kitchen utensils but now many of them are not used because of mechanization or automation of tools of living. 5. There were 143 Kinds of cooking terms. Of them 49 for the preparing process, 25 for the mixing process, 27 for well-forming process 10 for process of getting ready to cook, 14 for heating process, 10 for cutting process, 5 for dishin process and 3 for process of soaking in sugar or honey.