• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

This research, which sought to conjecture the formation process of tribal landscape while confirming the method and characteristic of place attachment of the Haeju Oh Family, which is rooted within the village and the Yongwon Pavilion and Garden of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam, reached the following conclusion based on the interpretation and analysis of cultural and scenic elements such as the names and sculptures nearby the village and Yongwon Pavilion and Garden. This place is where Goohwagong Oh Sue, a Haeju person, settled down. This is also where his descendants were refined while yearning for their ancestors. The Yongwon Pavilion was established in 1964. It can be sufficiently known that this place was managed and maintained as a garden-like place where the spirit of yearning was shared and which was the basis of the life and entertainment of descendants after being the monumental place for Master Oh Guhwa, through stories, documents, nearby facilities, and writings on many rocks. It is clear that the meaning of 'Bang-Hak(訪鶴) and Jung-Hak (停鶴)' which is carved in many places around this area and Gohak-ri, which symbolizes the Hakbong(crane peak), the vein of Wonjak-dong which is one of the Ahneuisamdong(three outstanding scenic places of Ahneui), is a scenic language explaining the ecological settlement and lives of the Haeju Oh Family. When considering the definition of a sense of place as "a 'social device' made by discussions and practice rather than its existing as a substance," the many structures scattered around the village, Yongwon Pavilion Garden, and nearby designations show the monumental place inheritance of tribal group clearly exhibiting the characteristics of a Korean sense of place. Ever since Guhwagon Oh Sue settled down in Guhak-ri, the tribal group of Haeju Oh Family went through a life settlement phase and landscape formation phase by realizing the sense of place. Afterwards, while yearning for ancestors and repeatedly rooting down in the place, territoriality expanded and the place was reproduced. In particular, timber houses and monuments were constructed during the Japanese Colonization Period, and after independence, the Yongwon Pavilion was constructed through place reproduction, and monumental tribal landscape is currently being expressed in various forms to this day. Thus, allowing to reach the conclusion of 'Tribal Landscape of Gohak-ri, Mari-myeong, Geochang-gun,' which we perceive today. The products of territorial expansion formed by the repeating phenomenon of place rootedness and place attachment by tribal groups are in fact the substance of tribal landscape. Through such, it is possible to confirm the true spirit of place attachment and the earnest interest and affection of descendants towards a unique place that is repeatedly constructed and inherited within the group memory.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.142-154
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the characteristics of place identity of the Buan county hall garden and Sangsosan(上蘇山) by looking over the pattern and content of letter-engraved rocks and nearby facilities and history. Especially, we focused on the meaning and contents of the letters in Sangsosan and a Government Office of Buan engraved on rocks in order to learn what the place means. The results of our study are as follows. Buan-hyun(扶安縣) in the Joseon dynasty period blossomed literary culture of enjoying poetry and melody, and this was faithful realization of the concept of "Rakto(樂土)" of 'Saengubuan(生居扶安).' The grand scale letters written by Si-SooPark(朴蓍壽: 1767~1876), head of the office in the early 19th century, in the cursive style on the basis stone of the garden of Buan county building, which was the site of the office of Buan-hyun in the Joseon dynasty period, such as 'Bongraedongcheon(蓬萊洞天)', 'Jurim(珠林)', and 'Okcheon(玉泉)' mean that "'Bongrae', the another name of Buan', is a place where Taoist hermits would live because the spring water of Seorim flows down to be Okcheon.", showing his pride of living Buan. The regions like Seorimjeong, Geumdae(琴臺), and Hyecheon(惠泉) where letters engraved on rocks are located intensively are closely related with those who communicated with Mae-ChangLee(李梅窓: 1573~1610), the slave of the government, and are local attractions and garden traces where the literary culture and scholar's spirit of Buan are well-harmonized. Most of the letters were written from the 19th century to the early 20th century, showing that 4 for landscapes, 8 for Kyungseck(景色: imaginary scenry), 5 for figures, 15 for poems and 2 for others. The ratio of poems is much higher than that of poems in other regions' letters on rocks, and the keyword of the letters is Haecheon. A piece of the place identity heavily influenced by the Taois thermit ideology is revealed by the expressions of 'Bongraedongcheon', 'Sosansaho(蘇山四皓)' or 'the spring water of Haecheon' that was considered as an elixir of Taoist hermits. Seorim the forest, which had been managed after Yeon-Myeong Cho(趙然明: 1797~?), head of the office, planted trees in the 11th year of the reign of King Heonjong(1845), Seorimjeong in the forest, and rocks with engraved letters on them are proof of literary culture and the garden traces showing the characteristics and aspect of Imcheon(林泉) Garden of the office heavily influenced by the Taoist hermit ideology. Along with Naebyeon-san national park and Kyeokpo region, the center of Buan tourism, we hope that cultural heritages including rocks with engraved letters over Seorim park would become a representative cultural heritage and attraction of Buan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.24-41
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• 2013

This study aims to investigate the complex planning processes and design ideas of the Gwanghwamun Plaza which was opened in 2009. The opening of the plaza was significant as it was built in order to restore the symbolic meaning of axis in the historical Joseon Dynasty that was distorted during the Japanese Imperialism. The plaza itself attracts many citizens and tourists by providing the empty ground carrying historical ambiences around. In this paper, the story of the Gwanghwamun plaza will be summarized. Particularly, the background of promoting the project will be discussed and the whole planning process will be dealt with. The plaza was realized through several stages. First, the planning stage will be reviewed. The planning stage had been a quite long process since the initial idea was discussed. Since the early 90s, the political decision of making the plaza was made through the change of people's understanding toward public space. At this stage, the city government worked together with diverse citizens and professionals to share the vision and to realize the right decision in making the plaza. Second, the design stage will be elaborated in detail. This is the second design stage. The former was the idea competition and the latter was the turn-key base. The final design scheme emphasized the restoration of symbolic axis and the forgotten Yukjo Street. The scheme consists of four zones such as history restoration zone, prospect and history representation zone, culture zone, and the urban zone. Through the whole design process, the original idea remained as it was. The design concept was "a place of memory and prospect." It emphasizes the history representation, view corridor, cultural activities platform as well as the emptiness and flexibility of the basic premise of the plaza. Finally, the construction stage will be discussed. There were some additions and omissions in the construction process. The design chances in the construction stage will be reviewed in detail. After the opening of the plaza, there were some changes in the detail design. We will discuss how and why these modifications were made. In the end, the social and cultural implication of the plaza will be discussed. The storytelling of the Gwanghwamun Plaza will contribute to the clear understanding of planning and design process of pubic places. Based on this reflection, we are able to think about some suggestions of public projects for the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.10-24
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• 2017

The research takes note of the formation process and settling period of Gwandong-Palkyung(關東八景, Eight Sites of Eastern Korea), the representative palgyeong(prominent eight sites) and jipgyeong(集景, landscape collection of scenic beauty), and investigates the time of formation regarding the palkyung and jipgeyong of Gwandong's scenic beauty through the analysis and interpretation of bibliographic data, and reference data. The result of the study is as follows. As the first document that records the terminology of "Gwandong-Palkyung" is "Daphongeunggil(答洪應吉)" of Yi, Hwang(李滉), Gwandong-Palkyung is inferred to be settled within the recognition of the people even before the 16th century. The geographic analysis result including "Sinjeung Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)", Gwandong-Palkyung expanded as Gwandong-Sipkyung in early to middle of the 16th century. The first confirmed landscape collection regarding Gwandong-Palkyung in this study is confirmed in Shin Zup(申楫)'s "Yeonggwandong-Palkyung(詠關東八景)", thus, the terminology of Gwandong-Palkyung existed before 16th century at the latest. The settlement time of current "Palkyung" collection is estimated to be early 17th century at the latest. Poetries regarding Gwandong-Palkyung, and the frequency on the appearance of Gwandong scenic beauties are analyzed as making clear of the concentrated phenomenon on the sceneries of Gwandong-Palkyung. On the other hand, the collection of Gwandong-Palkyung in the domain of arts is confirmed initially in the ${\ll}$Gwandongpalkyungdobyeong(關東八景圖屛)${\gg}$ of Heo, Pil(許泌). Gwandong-Palkyung, expressed as the actual scene landscape painting shows similar tendencies of the conditions in the jipgyeong from the poetry, but the appearance rate of the painting subject was more prominent in visual solidarity and cohesion due to the reflection of the importance on icon(圖像) of the art works produced with particular meaning in the case of fixed ideal system. From late Joseon to modern times, ${\ll}$palpokbyeongpung(八幅屛風)${\gg}$ of various forms of folk painting is a corroborative evidence notifying that the cultural phenomenon of Gwandong-Palkyung has entered the universal period of embrace. Also, the 13 scenic beauties of Gangwon-Do appearing in the games of Namseungdo and Myeongseungyuramdo include Gwandong-Palkyung, which confirms the settlement of Gwandog-Palkyung even within the culture of games in late Joseon. Such results demonstrate the existence of awareness regarding Gwandong-Palkyung from the first half of the 15th century, which is presumed to have completely settled in the 17th century through the continuous development of formative process in the 16th century. Ultimately, Gwandong-Palkyung is the concrete formation of regional scenic beauties that individually gained its reputations as scenery from the Koryo Dynasty to late 17th century. Gwandong-Palkyung of the scenic beauty of Gwandong is a unique cultural scenery of the region that have germinated and formed through the process of cutting and polishing of long time to collect the best eight of scenic beauty from the many participation of sightseeing culture.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.31-51
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• 2018

The concept of 'monsters' have become popular, again, in recent times. A number of 'monster narratives' that discuss monsters such as zombies, humanoids, viruses, extraterrestrials, and serial killers have been made and re-made in popular media. Noting such an interesting cultural context, this article attempts, first, to find out some essential prototypical elements of a monster narrative and, second, to relate it with a catastrophic narrative. Correspondingly, the word 'monster' has been used as a conceptual prototype category that denies universal and clear definition, which makes it as one of the most widely used and familiar subjects of the use of metaphor. The prototypical meanings of various monster figures can be converged on a certain creature of being in this way held out as bizarre, curious, and abnormal. The monster figure that surpasses existing normality is also connected to 'abjection,' such as something that is cast aside from the body such as the bodily functions seen in its associated blood, tears, vomit, excrement, or semen, and so on. Nevertheless, both the monster figure and abjection produce disgust and horror in the minds of ordinary spectators or readers of media using this metaphor to heighten excitement for the viewers. The abject characteristic of the monster figure also has something in common with the posthuman figure, meaning to apply to a category of inhuman others who are held outside of the normal category of human beings. In the similar vein, it is natural that the most typical monster figures in our times are posthuman creatures embodied in such forms as seen with zombies, humanoids, cyborgs, robots, and so on. In short, the monster figure includes all of the creatures and beings that disarray normalized humanist categories and values. The monster narrative, in the same sense, is a type of story that tells about others outside modern, anthropocentric, male-centered, and Westernized categories of thought. It can be argued that a catastrophic narrative, a literary genre which depicts the world where a series of catastrophic events demolish the existing human civilization, ought to be seen as a typical modern-day monster narrative, because it also discounts and criticizes normalized humanist categories and values as is the result of the monster narrative. Going beyond the prevailing humanist realist narrative that are so familiar with existing values, the catastrophic narrative is not only a monster narrative per se, but also a monstrous narrative which disrupts and reinvents currently mainstream narratives and ways of thinking.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.26-47
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• 2009

This study examined dwelling site from among the sites of the Neolithic age found in the Asan Bay(牙山灣) area, and the temporal-spatial location and meaning of the dwelling site (settlement). The majority of the settlements in the area are of a square style but some coexist with rectangular-style settlements, which is noteworthy. The dwelling sites of the Neolithic age found in Asan Bay area are mostly located in a ridge of hilly areas, divided into gentle, low areas (20~50 meters above sea level) and relatively high areas (50~80 meters above the sea level). Although location strongly corresponded to the residents' subsistence and the technical levels within the culture, it likely was greatly affected by natural environment where they lived, as well. In examining radiocarbon dating results and the excavated artifacts, the settlements found in Asan Bay were determined to belong to the period II(3,500~3,000 B.C.) stated in the Relative Chronological table of Dwelling sites in the Neolithic age, written by the author. Said Dwelling sites are proven to have a close relationship with those found on the coast of Gyeonggi Province(京畿道) and in the Geum River(錦江) valley. This is deemed to be the result of expansion and interchange between Gyeonggi Province(京畿道) group and Geum River(錦江) valley group, who constituted the large settlements. Additionally, the Daecheon-ri type dwelling sites in the Geum River valley were verified to be the result of exchange, and spread to the Asan Bay area in the same era. Two forms of Dwelling sites coexisted dynamically in the Asan Bay area around 3,500 B.C. Such a phenomenon resulted primarily from the expansion of the dwelling site due to the introduction of primitive agriculture, as well as environmental (temperature), biological and social changes at those times.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.347-377
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• 2003

China is a country with large agricultural areas and subject to frequent calamities. Drought is the top of them. It has been a key problem for development of agriculture in the country. In the long struggle against drought, Chinese have accumulated many rational and irrational experiences. The Dragon Kings Belief, which is popular in North China and discussed in a thesis, is one of their irrational experiences. The belief was passed together with Buddhism from India to China in the Tang Dynasty. After it settled down, it was incorporated with the local five dragons belief and a set of beliefs in dragon kings came into existence. The emergence of the dragon kings belief ended the history that the title of rain got was not clear in China and Dragon kings finally got the status. Irrigation is the lifeblood of agriculture in China. In a Chinese mind, Dragon kings are the most important gods who take charge of rain and thus offer the lifeblood. In understanding the nature and characteristics of Chinese traditional culture, it is important for us to make clear the origin and evolution of the belief, find out its nature, function and operation. In the every year beginning of February of the Fanzhuang calendar in the people of Hebeisheng Zhaoxian, would all hold a festival to offer sacrifices to the $^{{\circ}TM}^{\prime}longpai$. Longpai was regarded as the core of the temple fair, thus the native sons came to call this festival; "longpaihui". In this region the'Fanzhuang longpaihui'developed into a well knownand grand temple fair. It was able to attract numerous pilgrims with its special magic power, occupying a place in $China^{{\circ}TM}$ 'eryueer'festival with festive dragon activities. The dragon is a common totem among Chinese nationals. The belief worship of the dragon dates from the start time of primitive societies. Dragon oneself the ancients worship's thunder lightning. In the worship of the great universe, at first afterwards this belief with the tribe's totem worships to combine to become the animal spirit. In ancient myths legends, along with folk religion and beliefs all hold a very important position. The longpaihui is a temple fair without a temple; this characteristic is a distinction between longpaihui and other temple fairs. As for longpaihui must of the early historical records are unclear. The originator of a huitou system has a kind of organized form of the special features rather, originator of a huitou not fix constant, everything follows voluntarily principle, can become member with the freedom, also can back at any time the meeting. There is a longpaihui for 'dangjiaren', is total representative director in the originator of a huitou will. 'banghui' scope particularly for extensive, come apparently every kind of buildup that help can return into the banghui, where is the person of this village or outside village of, the general cent in banghui work is clear and definite, for longpaihui would various businesses open smoothly the exhibition provides to guarantees powerfully. Fanzhuang longpaihui from the beginning of February to beginning six proceed six days totally. The longpai is used as the ancestry absolute being to exsits with the community absolute being at the same time in fanzhuang first took civil faith, in reality is a kind of method to support social machine in native folks realize together that local community that important function, it provided a space, a kind of a view to take with a relation, rising contact, communication, solidify the community contents small village, formation with fanzhuang. The fanzhuang is used as supplies for gathering town, by luck too is this local community trade exchanges center at the same time therefore can say the faith of the longpai, in addition to its people's custom, religious meaning, still have got the important and social function. Moreover matter worthy of mentioning, Longpai would in organize process, from prepare and plan the producing of meeting every kind of meeting a longpeng of the matter do, all letting person feeling is to adjust the popular support of, get the mass approbation with positive participate. Apart from the originator of a huitou excluding, those although not originator of a huitou, however enthusiasm participate the banghui of its business, also is too much for the number.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.201-243
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• 2018

Understanding the theory of how a religion accepts the perspective on death is a prerequisite to grasp the identity and characteristics of such religion. Furthermore, contemplating the perspective on death, itself has a significant meaning as the contemplation provides an insight on how religion has, currently is and how it would influence the practical life of the human race. This current study compares and analyzes the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. By comparing the perspectives on death, this study seeks to conclude the similarity and discrepancy of New Religions of Jeungsan, Confucianism and Taoism. The objective of this study is to summarize the religious characteristic and identity of New Religions of Jeungsan, and the social role of New Religions of Jeungsan. How does New Religions of Jeungsan preach afterlife? This question implies varieties of questions including: In what shape or form does human exist in afterlife?; Does human maintain their original identity in afterlife?; What happens to relations with family members in afterlife?; What is one's role in afterlife, and what would one experience in afterlife? or Does soul transmigrate or are reborn? This current study compares the answers to these questions one by one with Confucianism and Taoism.In general, this current study was conducted with a non-religious methodology. Death can be explained in three different domains: the psychological domain explaining the individual psychological awareness upon encountering death; the philosophical-religious domain explaining the death through the philosophical understanding of the human concept; and the socio-cultural domain explaining death through the social ceremonies upon death.This current study focuses on the philosophical domain of the perspective on death accepted by New Religions of Jeungsan, with a comparison of the socio-cultural significance. To understand the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, It is indispensable to explain the five key elements of Hon(魂), Baek (魄), Shin(神), Young(靈) and Seon(仙) that construe death. The perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan imposes a multi layer of acceptance and overcoming. This current study complements the problems and limits of previous studies by comparison with Confucianism and Taoism. Throughout this process, this current study intends to highlight the key elements of the perspective on death preached by Deasunjinrihoe, and identify the aspects of each key element. With the sophisticated discussion of the perspective on death provided by New Religions of Jeungsan with clarity, this current study will provide grounds for future studies to extract, in detail, the aspects of the perspective on death preached by New Religions of Jeungsan, in further subjects including: discussions on death such as rituals for death, treatment of bodies, funerals, educating death, euthanasia, or suicide; discussions on the existence of hell; discussions on psychological aspects of ones who encounter death; or discussions on rebirth of those who died during the creation era. This current study will provide an overview on what kind of perspective on death does those who are faithful to New Religions of Jeungsan have and currently are living their life with.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.164-183
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• 2021

This article examines how the production technology of the Chinese bronze mirror affected the Korean Peninsula and Japan. To that end, we looked at how the drawing of linked-arc designs in bronze mirrors was done. The drawing technique is classified into three methods: Type 1 and type 2 were confirmed to have been used in China, but type 3 was used not in China, but on the Korean Peninsula and in Japan. Type 1 and type 2 are basically the same, with an identical restored diameter of the linked-arc design, and type 2 is found elsewhere in the bronze mirror, and type 1 are not. Type 3 features different diameters, and the linked-arc design does not form a complete circle. This shows that the manufacturer of the bronze mirror did not use several bumpy compasses, but rather a single one with a fixed center and protrusion, rather than one that can be easily adjusted, as it is today. That is why, of course, a pair of compasses must have been used several times. In this regard, those who produced bronze mirrors on the Korean Peninsula in the early days understood not only the Chinese techniques of the linked-arc design, but also the meaning contained within them. On the other hand, the makers of bronze mirrors in Japan did not understand the patterns and simply imitated them. From the late Yayoi period, Japan understood and produced works with the principle of drawing the linked-arc design. As a representative example, bronze mirrors excavated from the tomb of Hirabaru can be referenced. Perhaps it can be assumed that, behind these works, there was a direct transfer of technology, such as the migration of the makers of bronze mirror makers like the Do family (陶氏), whose names were found written on bronze mirrors excavated from the Hirabaru tomb.