• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.20
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• pp.203-210
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• 2010

Tolerance education must be based on the fact that tolerance like democracy cannot be achieved once and for all. Students must learn to constantly watch political and cultural processes for negative developments. Tolerance for others' values and behaviour can be learnt by studying previous historiographical views. The basic attitude to be learnt is repect for other cultures - within one's own culture as well as foreign cultures.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.149-174
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• 2018

Southeast Asians participate in elections eagerly, a fact indexed by the high electoral participation rates across a range of political conditions in the region. What gives elections in Southeast Asia such high legitimacy? Using data from Indonesia and the Philippines, this article emphasizes the need to understand peoples' rationalities, which are informed by meanings generated by prevailing cultural practices. From this perspective, electoralism can be understood as a cultural phenomenon that conforms to the structure of a ritual. Despite the democratic deficit in many electoral exercises, elections share the attractiveness and fun of traditional community festivities. Voters participate in elections as a testament to membership in a community. Although they do not always transform the existing social arrangements, elections embed contradictory impulses in the same way that cockfights do. A procedure of formal democracy authored elsewhere, electoralism has been localized in Southeast Asia and invested with indigenous significance.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2021

Through an empirical comparative analysis, we found that people in mainland China and Taiwan demonstrate strong similarities in their support for democracy, based on democratic suitability, efficiency, preference, and priority. There are also differences in beliefs about democratic values. Compared to people in mainland China, the Taiwanese have a deeper and more widely shared belief in the principles of participation and pluralism, while the differences between their beliefs in the principles of equality, freedom, and checks and balances are narrow. Furthermore, people in mainland China and Taiwan have a strong similarity in their understanding of democracy, that is, they all present a mixed democratic understanding based on substantive bias. Overall, although the differences between mainland China and Taiwan's democratic practices are reflected in the level of value identification from the perspective of democratic support and democratic understanding, the popular democratic political culture in mainland China and Taiwan still has a relatively broad consensus. Thus, the integration and development of cross-strait relations not only has an increasingly profound social and economic foundation but also considerable consensus and mass support on the political and cultural level.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.3
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• pp.41-50
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• 2018

The present article focuses on the cultural arts, the role and functions of people as intermediate to carry out the revitalization of memory. Most of the basic cultural activities and events sparked from the cardinal point of the democratization of Gwangju and the interwoven relationships this created. In other words, the events leading to Gwangju democratization movement have derived from democratic culture and art and they contributed to change and influence South Korea's revolutionary movements. As far as clarifying the concept of culture is concerned, the idea of culture is too wide to encompass it so we aim to narrow it down to the special events of 5.18 democratization movements which launched the national transformation of the cultural stage and the development of democracy in South Korea. Through this, the movement of popular culture and popular arts fostered the revolution of society. Moreover, the value of the 5.18 movement for democratization stems from democracy, human rights, the universal value of peace and so many efforts were made by popular artists until it became upgraded as a national commemoration day. Raising the people's awareness that culture could change the course of history is still necessary so that popular art and culture play a central role in people's lives. In order to fulfill the people's inherent hope it is necessary to promote aesthetic values and a continuous revolution in societal practices.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.7-28
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• 2016

This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.24
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• pp.147-156
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• 2011

A brief consultation of English Arabic dictionaries and encyclopedias shows that there is no one single standard Arabic translation of the English concept 'democracy'. Arab authors use, instead, a series of multiple terms that need clarification if the first term is to be clear. In many cases, they tend to localize the term into Arabic using various orthographic forms; at other times, they run a rather lengthy analysis to elucidate the concept that seems to be an essentially contested term. This paper aims to inquire into the reasons for the confusion and inconsistency in the translation of the concept 'democracy', as well as the underlying arguments for advocating the localization rather than translation of this political concept. This will be followed by a discussion of the implications of this study for lexicographers and translators. Given the fact that ideology is of non-Arabic origin, English perceptions of this fluid concept might help account for its lack of clarity in Arabic translations since Arabic is highly influenced by English in various spheres of life. It would thus be wise first to check the perceptivity of English authors of the concept. To better serve the purpose of this study, the author distinguishes here between 'translation' and so-called 'localization'. The term 'translation' is concerned with finding an existing term in the target language with an equivalent meaning for a foreign word, whereas localization involves taking the foreign term and making it linguistically and culturally appropriate to the target language, by subjecting it to the morphological and syntactic rules of Arabic to be used as if it were originally Arabic.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.151-170
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• 2019

This study deals with the rent-seeking behavior that exist in cultural voucher from the viewpoint of culture and arts management. Art organizations open to consumers, producers and governments of the arts are dependent on the internal and external influence of an open system. Researcher has found rent-seeking in the course of introducing policies and legalization of the cultural voucher business which has been promoted in the direction of democratization of culture or cultural democracy. Cultural voucher business is a legal term. Although the government has increased the budget or tried to change the policies of the cultural voucher business, the implementation of the cultural voucher business has been opposed to the diversity of consumption and equity as the consumption of genre and the concentration of the capital region have increased. These results were structurally related to the process of legalization and rent-seeking behavior in bureaucracy. This study reaffirms that the efficient operation standard of the cultural voucher business is a balance between the choice of the beneficiary, the competition of the supplier, and access to the cultural voucher. And the theory of rent-seeking was applied as a criterion to analyze this balance. Thus, it is suggested that the criteria of evaluation and improvement to check the conservativeness of bureaucrats are needed to establish a legal system applied to the purpose of 'cultural democracy' and 'democratization of culture' ideology and to guarantee individual creativity and autonomy.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-89
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• 2023

This research explores the fall of pre-independence Sultanates and its continued political, economic, and cultural influence in post-colonial Indonesia. By using qualitative and historical methods, this paper compares the Sultanates of Mataram in Yogyakarta and Al-Kadrie in Pontianak, which represent different historical paths supporting the struggle for independence during the mid-20th century. Sultan Hamid II of the Al-Kadrie was a supporter of federalism whereas Sultan Hamengkubowono IX of Yogyakarta was an advocate of the republican system. Eventually, Indonesia became a Republic, and the idea of federalism was sidelined, which led to the abolition of sultanates in the rise of the = Indonesian nation-state, except for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta. After the 1998 Reform, the current development of democracy created political opportunities for the Al-Kadrie to reclaim its authority through engagement with various civic organizations. Meanwhile, the Sultanate of Yogyakarta faces internal friction because of succession concerns.