• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.58-82
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• 2024

Former South Korean President Moon Jae-in implemented a project called the Peace Initiative, which prioritized a "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" as the core national agenda and involved using a peace-based frame instead of a unification approach to address inter-Korean relations from a different perspective. This initiative was evaluated in this study using a revised version of the pyramid model to assess the input-output-result process underlying the project and determine whether it generated results that differed from those achieved by the previous administration. To these ends, this research compared Moon's key presidential speeches with those of his predecessor, Park Geun-hye, as input, news commentaries and responses from major players as output, and the trend of perceptional and attitudinal changes in public opinion as results. Although Moon failed to accomplish significant policy effects on inter-Korean relations because of geopolitical challenges and the transfer of power to the conservative party, the analysis revealed that the input, output, and partial results of inter-Korean dialogue reflect some progress.

• Journal of Dental Rehabilitation and Applied Science
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.418-425
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• 2013

This case report describes about recurrent herpetic stomatitis mimicking post-root resection complication. A 49 year-old male patient was diagnosed vertical root fracture of the mesiobuccal root of his left maxillary first molar (#26). The mesiobuccal root was resected following root canal treatment of the same tooth. 19 months later, the patient presented with pain on left hard palate after a barbecue party. Intra oral examination revealed a gum boil-like blister at the hard palate corresponding to the apex of the palatal root of #26. On clinical examination, there was bleeding on probing and the periodontal pocket depth was measured less than 5 mm with no tooth mobility. On a periapical radiograph, periodontal ligament space widening was observed. Tracing the sinus tract with gutta percha cone was attempted, however, it was impossible. Extending the field of vision, small multiple round ulcerations were observed at the palate front which caused pain to the patient. Therefore, the pain was considered a non odontogenic and the patient was referred to the department of oral medicine. The patient was diagnosed recurrent herpetic stomatitis and after 3 days of antiviral medication, the pain and ulceration were subsided.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.481-507
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• 2017

The petition movement to Paris peace conference was the movement for 137 Neo-Confucian scholars including Kwak Jong-seok to ask for Korean independence in March, 1919. Kim Bok-han had led all the course of Ho-seo version. Although we don't know the exact contents on the both of Yeong-nam and Ho-seo versions, but Ho-seo version might be more conservative than Yeong-nam version in comparison with other versions. This was because Ho-seo version basically represented the conservative stance of the Neo-Confucian scholars in Ho-seo (Southern Chung-cheong province). However although Ho-seo version had conservative characteristic, the projecting and practicing of petition movement to Paris peace conference shows Kim Bok-han's active attitude. What I would like to explain in this paper is the background of how spontaneously Kim led the movement. Especially I tried to make Kim's historical status be revealed through talking the idealogical history of Neo-Confucianism ignored until now. Although Kim received blames he behaved with barbarians when he led the petition movement from the conservatives, Kim never submitted on those blames. Kim's tolerant attitude was prominent in relation with Hwa-seo school against which Nam-dang school(Kim's party) was a rival, especially from also after 'the problem of Choe Ik-hyeon' in 1903. This attitude was connected to the petition movement in tolerant manner. The tolerant attitude like this was revealed from Kim's historical consciousness attached importance to 'the completion of work'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2017

Despite that Korea has tried 50 years of service development policies, the result has been unsatisfactory. Borrowing the policy stream model of policy change and narrative policy framework one tried to explain the weaknesses of the policy process for the service development policies. Before 2000 lacking knowledge resulted in poor policy narratives while after 2000 despite sufficient knowledge base and well articulated narratives policy window would not open. Adversarial politics under conservative party caused the window to be closed. One suggests that paradigm shift in value and world view treats is necessary to overcome the policy failures in service development policy. According these analyses one expects a new initiative of policy narrative construction.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.11
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• pp.554-566
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• 2017

Through the Broadcasting Act, Republic of Korea regulates the broadcasting system to remain neutral regarding particular party or candidate. However, as MBC and JTBC reports the issue of President Park's impeachment in bisected way - conservative and progressive - the controversy aroused. This research paper comparatively analyzed each broadcasting company's evening news by focusing on quantity aspect, reporting tendency regarding trend of public opinion and mass rally and the news frame. Our research showed that both JTBC and MBC had partially reported; JTBC on pro-impeachment rally's side which was called candlelight rally, and MBC on anti-impeachment rally's side, called Korean National Flag rally. Regarding the way how they reported the impeachment, JTBC reported much more in depth than MBC, and MBC reported the process emotionally, standing for President Park.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.206-216
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• 2007

1. Objectives This Study recognize of the 17th Korean Assemblymen's Sasang Constitutional distribution and investigates Sasang Constitutional distribution of special group. 2. Methods The Questionnaire of Sasang Constitution was distributed to Korean Assemblymen's. The next, 2 persons of Sasang Constitutional Specialist interview directly, record of Korean Assemblymen's voice with PSSC and then concluded Sasang Constitution. 3. Results 1. After analysed Sasang Constitution with Questionnaire, We acquired zero person Taeyangin, sixteen persons Soyangin, nine persons Taeumin, zero person Soeumin. But, after direct interview examination, We acquired one person Taeyangin, seven persons Soyangin, twenty-two persons Taeumin, five persons Soeumin. 2. Soyangin rates was 20% practically, but Soyangin rates of amination with Questionnaire was 46%. Because Soyangin in Korean Assemblymen's expressed extrovert for oneself. 3. Taeumin constituted nineteen persons with Questionnaire, accounted for 54%. But Taeumin constituted twenty-two persons in direct interview examination, accounted for 63%. 4. Conclusions 1. In Uri Patty, Soyangin rates was 21%, Taeumin rates was 63%, Soeumin rates was 16%, Taeyangin rates was 0 %. The group of Taeyangin and Soyangin with activity and progression marked 21 %, the group of Taeumin and Soeumin with conservativeness marked 79%. 2. Grand National Parry, Soyangin rates was 14%, Taeumin rates was 64.3%, Soeumin rates was 14.3%, Taeyangin rates was 7.1 %. The group of Taeyangin and Soyangin with activity and progression marked 21.6%, the group of Taeumin and Soeumin with conservativeness marked 78.6%. 3. In comparison Uri Patty with Grand National Party, the rates of active Constitution marked 21.0% and 21.6% be much of a muchness. and in comparison Uri Parry with Grand National Parry, the rates of conservative Constitution marked 79.0% and 78.6% be much of a muchness.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.25-48
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• 2011

In this paper, we overview the sample design, sampling error, non-response rate and prediction errors of the exit poll conducted for 2010 local elections and discusses how to detect a prediction bias in exit poll. To investigate the bias problem in exit poll in regional(Si-Do) level, we analyze exit poll data for 2007 presidential election and 2006 local elections as well as 2010 local elections in Korea. The measure of predictive accuracy A proposed by Martin et al.(2005) is used to assess the exit poll bias. The empirical studies based on three exit polls clearly show that there exits systematic bias in exit poll and the predictive bias of candidates affiliated to conservative party (such as Hannara-Dang) is serious in the specific regions. The result of this study on systematic bias will be very useful to improving the exit poll methodology in Korea.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.105-125
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to analyze 1) who created and distributed fake news, 2) the distribution channels of fake news, 3) who fake news has targeted, and 4) the effects on voting and the impact of fake news on Korean politics. In South Korea, fake news was mainly created by candidates or election campaigns. The reason is that in the wake of the impeachment of President Park Guen Hye, all the political parties in Korea used fake news as a means of mobilizing supporters for each of their candidates or parties to gain an advantage in situations involving political divisions and confrontations between the pro-impeachment, progressive young generation and anti-impeachment, conservative senior generation. Voters' media usage patterns were polarized through social network services (SNS) media and television. Fake news was mostly received through these two media outlets. According to the spreading structure of fake news in Korea, the younger generation generally uses SNS posts intended for unspecified individuals, and the older generation uses closed SNS like KakaoTalk or Naver's BAND. In the end, it is typically characteristic of the older generation to spread fake news through existing offline human networks. In the 2017 presidential election, fake news has been confirmed to have the effect of mobilizing supporters for each political party. In the presidential election, an increase in voter turnout was confirmed among those in their 20s and those in their 60s or older. Evidently, fake news influenced the election of Moon Jae-In. The influence of fake news is expected to grow further as ideological polarization and consequent political polarization continues to intensify in South Korea.