• Title/Summary/Keyword: Comparison by age

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Eating Traits and General Psychopathology of Korean Males Who Show High Score on the Korean Version of Eating Attitudes Test-26 (한국판(韓國版) 식사태도(食事態度) 검사(檢査)-26에서 고득점(高得點)을 보인 한국(韓國) 일반(一般) 남성군(男性群)의 식사특성(食事特性)과 일반정신병리(一般精神病理))

  • Han, Ki-Seok;Lee, Young-Ho;Rhee, Min-Kyu;Park, Se-Hyun;Sohn, Chang-Ho;Chung, Young-Cho;Hong, Sung-Kook;Lee, Byung-Kwan;Chang, Phi-Lip;Yoon, A-Rhee
    • Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.87-102
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    • 1999
  • Objectives : The purposes of this study were to estimate the prevalence rate of eating disorders in Korean males and to clarify their characteristics in sociodemograhic data, the eating traits, and general psychopathology through the comparison with those of female high scored group on the Korean version of Eating Attitudes Test-26(KEAT-26). Methods : Using a multi-stage questionnaire sampling method including area sampling, proportionated stratified sampling, and quota sampling, we surveyed a total of 4,400 Korean adults over 18 in a nationwide area(9 kus, 10 middle or small cities, and 17 kuns), obtaining usable responses on 3,896. Of the 3,062 subjects(1249 males and 1813 females) who were available for analysis, we ascertained 52 males and 208 females who had high score($\geq$ cutoff point 21) on the KEAT-26. Results : 1) The proportion of this high score group was 1.7% in male and 6.8% in female with a sex ratio(male versus female) of 1 : 4. 2) The mean age was higher in the male group than in the female group, although it was not statistically significant(p=0.0514). Mean Body Mass Index(BMI) of the male group was significantly higher than that of female group, and the number of male subjects with below 20 of BMI was also significantly lower than in the female group. 3) There were no significant difference in past history of physical illness between two groups. However, frequency of smoking and alcohol use, and mean amount of alcohol consumption per month were significantly higher in the male group than in the female group. There were no significant differences between the two groups on various socio-demographic correlates such as economic status, total duration of education, number of family, marital status, religious status, and area of residence, but the exception of being occupational status. 4) The 'Eating Habits Scale' score and score of 'preference for vegetables and fish, and dislike for sweet-tasting food' of the male group were significantly lower than those of the female group. Although there was no significant difference between the two groups in total scores of the KEAT-26, the mean score on 'pursuit of thinness' subscale was higher in the female group than in the male group, while scores of 'food preoccupation' and 'self-control' subscales were higher in the male group than in the female group. 5) Scores on 'psychoticism' was significantly higher in the male group than in the female group, although there were no significant differences between the two groups on 'locus of control for weight', 'depression' and 'hypochondriasis'. Conclusion : These results support a possibility of a high prevalence of eating disorders in Korean males. These results suggest that eating related characteristics of high scorer on the EAT are different by sex in spite of the same high score on the EAT, and also suggest that male patients with eating disorders have more serious personality pathology than female patients with eating disorders.

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The Trend and Achievements of Forest Genetics Research in Abroad (선진국(先進國)에 있어서의 임목육종연구(林木育種硏究)의 동향(動向))

  • Hyun, Sin Kyu
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 1972
  • The trend and achievements of forest genetics research in abroad were investigated through observation tours and reference work and following facts were found to be important aspects which should be adopted in the forest genetics research program in Korea. Because of world wide recognization on the urgency of taking a measure to reserve some areas of the representative forest type on the globe before the extingtion of such forest type as the results of continuous exploitations of the natural forests to meet the timber demand all over the world, it is urgently needed to take a measure to reserve certain areas of natural stand of Pinus koraiensis, Pinus parviflora, Pinus densiflora f. erectra, Abies koreana, Quercus sp., Populus sp., etc. as gene pool to be used for the future program of forest tree improvement. And the genetic studies of those natural forest of economic tree species are also to be performed. 1. Increase of the number of selected tree for breeding purpose. Because of the fact that the number of plus tree at present is too small to carry out selection program for tree improvement, particularly for the formation of source population for recurrent selection of parent trees of the 2nd generation seed orchard it is to be strongly emphasized to increase the number of plus tree by alleviating selection criteria in order to enlarge the population size of plus trees to make the selection program more efficient. 2. Progeny testing More stress should be placed on carrying out progeny testing of selected trees with open pollinated seeds. And particular efforts are to be made for conducting studies on adult/juvenile correlation of important traits with a view to enable to predict adult performances with some traits revealed in juvenile age thus to save time for progeny testing. 3. Genotype-environment interaction Studies on genotype and environment interaction should be conducted in order to elucidate whether the plus trees selected on the good site express their superiority on the poor site or not and how the environment affect the genotype. And the justification of present classification of seed distribution area should be examined. 4. Seed orchard of broad leaf tree species. Due to the difficulty of accurate comparison of growth rate of neighbouring trees of broad leaf tree species in natural stand, it is recommended that for the improvement of broad leaf trees a seedling seed orchard is to be made by roguing the progeny test plantation planted densely with control pollinated seedlings of selected trees. 5. Breeding for insect resistant varieties. In the light of the fact that the resistant characteristics against insect such as pine gall midge (Thiecodiplosis japonensis U. et I.) and pine bark beetle (Myelophilus pinipera L.) are highly correlated with the amount and quality of resin which are known as gene controlled characteristics, breeding for insect resistance should be carried out. 6. Breeding for timber properties. With the tree species for pulp wood in particular, emphasis should be placed upon breeding for high specific gravity of timber. 7. Introduction of Cryptomeria and Japanese Cypress In the light of the fact that the major clones of Cryptomeria are originated from Yoshino source and are being planted up to considerably north and high elevation in Japan, those species should be examined on their cold resistance in Korea by planting them in further northern part of the country.

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Prognostic Relevance of WHO Classification and Masaoka Stage in Thymoma (흉선종양에서의 WHO 분류와 Masaoka 병기, 임상양상간의 상관관계연구)

  • Kang Seong Sik;Chun Mi Sun;Kim Yong Hee;Park Seung Il;Eeom Dae W.;Ro Jaee Y.;Kim Dong Kwan
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.38 no.1 s.246
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    • pp.44-49
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    • 2005
  • Although thymomas are relatively common mediastinal tumors, to date not only has a universal system of pathologic classification not been established but neither has a clearly defined predictable relationship between treatment and prognosis been made. Recently, a new guideline for classification was reported by WHO, and efforts, based on this work, have been made to better define the relationship between treatment and pro­gnostic outcome. In the present study a comparative analysis between the WHO classification and Masaoka stage system with the clinical disease pattern was conducted. Material and Method: A total of 98 patients undergoing complete resection for mediastinal thymoma between Juanuary 1993 and June 2003 were included in the present study. The male female ratio was 48 : 50 and the mean age at operation was $49.6{\pm}13.9\;years.$ A retrospective analytic comparison studying the relationship between the WHO classification and the Masaoka stage system with the clinical disease pattern of thymoma was conducted. Pathologic slide specimens were carefully examined, details of postoperative treatment were documented, and a relationship with the prognostic outcome and recurrence was studied. Result: There were 7 patients in type A according to the WHO system of classification, 14 in AB, 28 in B 1, 23 in B2, 18 in B3, and 9 in type C. The study of the relationship between the Masaoka stage and WHO classification system showed 4 patients to be in WHO system type A, 7 in type AB, 22 in B 1, 17 in B2, and 3 in type B3 among 53 $(54{\%})$ patients shown to be in Masaoka stage I. Among 28 $(28.5{\%})$ patients in Masaoka stage II system, there were 2 patients in type A, 7 in AB, 4 in B 1, 2 in B2, 8 in B3, and 5 in type C. Among 15 $(15.3{\%})$ in Masaoka stage III, there were 1 patient in type B1, 3 in B2, 7 in B3, and 4 in type C. Finally, among 2 $(2{\%})$ patients found to be in Masaoka stage IV there was 1 patient in type B1, and 1 in type B2. The mean follow up duration was $28{\pm}6.8$ months. There were 3 deaths in the entire series of which 2 were in type B2 (Masaoka stages III and IV), and 1 was in type C (Masaoka stage II). Of the patients that experienced relapse, 6 patients remain alive of which 2 were in type B2 (Masaoka III), 2 in type B3 (Masaoka I and III) and 2 in type C (Masaoka stage II). The 5 year survival rate by the Kaplan-Meier method was $90{\%}$ for those in type B2 WHO classification system, $87.5{\%}$ for type C. The 5 year freedom from recurrence rate was $80.7{\%}$ for those in WHO type B2, $81.6{\%}$ for those in type B3, and $50{\%}$ for those in type C. By the Log-Rank method, a statistically significant correlation between survival and recurrence was found with the WHO system of classification (p<0.05). An analysis of the relationship between the WHO classification and Masaoka stage system using the Spearman correction method, showed a slope=0.401 (p=0.023), showing a close correlation. Conclusion: As type C of the WHO classification system is associated with a high postoperative mortality and recurrence rate, aggressive treatment postoperatively and meticulous follow up are warranted. The WHO classification and Masaoka stage system were found to have a close relationship with each other and either the WHO classification method or the Masaoka stage system may be used as a predict prognostic outcome of Thymoma.

The Significance of Plasma Urokinase-type Plasminogen Activator and Type 1 Plasminogen Activator Inhibitor in Lung Cancer (폐암에서 혈장 Urokinase-Type Plasminogen Activator 및 Type 1 Plasminogen Activator Inhibitor의 의의)

  • Park, Kwang-Joo;Kim, Hyung-Jung;Ahn, Chul-Min;Lee, Doo-Yun;Chang, Joon;Kim, Sung-Kyu;Lee, Won-Young
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.516-524
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    • 1997
  • Background : Cancer invasion and metastasis require the dissolution of the extracellular matrix in which several proteolytic enzymes are involved. One of these enzymes is the urokinase-type plasminogen activator(u-PA), and plasminogen activator inhibitors(PAI-1, PAI-2) also have a possible role in cancer invasion and metastasis by protection of cancer itself from proteolysis by u-PA. It has been reported that the levels of u-PA and plasminogen activator inhibitors in various cancer tissues are significantly higher than those in normal tissues and have significant correlations with tumor size and lymph node involvement. Here, we measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens in the patients with lung cancer and compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters. Methods : We measured the concentration of plasma u-PA and PAI-1 antigens using commercial ELISA kit in 37 lung cancer patients, 21 benign lung disease patients and 24 age-matched healthy controls, and we compared the concentration of them with histologic types and staging parameters in lung cancer patients. Results : The concentration of u-PA was $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in controls, $1.0{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients and $0.9{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 was $14.2{\pm}6.7ng/mL$ in controls, $14.9{\pm}6.3ng/mL$ in benign lung disease patients, and $22.1{\pm}9.8ng/mL$ in lung cancer patients. The concentration of PAI-1 in lung cancer patients was higher than those of benign lung disease patients and controls. The concentration of u-PA was $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $0.8{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 0.9ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $1.1{\pm}0.7ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of PAI-1 was $22.3{\pm}7.2ng/mL$ in squamous cell carcinoma, $22.6{\pm}9.9ng/mL$ in adenocarcinoma, 42 ng/mL in large cell carcinoma, and $16.0{\pm}14.2ng/mL$ in small cell carcinoma. The concentration of u-PA was 0.74ng/mL in stage I, $1.2{\pm}0.6ng/mL$ in stage II, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in stage IV. The concentration of PAI-1 was 21.8ng/mL in stage I, $22.7{\pm}8.7ng/mL$ in stage II, $18.4{\pm}4.9ng/mL$ in stage IIIA, $25.3{\pm}9.0ng/mL$ in stage IIIB, and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in stage IV. When we divided T stage into T1-3 and T4, the concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $0.7{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in T4, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $17.9{\pm}5.6ng/mL$ in T1-3 and $26.1{\pm}9.1ng/mL$ in T4. The concentration of PAI-1 in T4 was significantly higher than that in T1-3. The concentration of u-PA was $0.8{\pm}0.4ng/mL$ in M0 and $0.7{\pm}0.3ng/mL$ in M1, and the concentration of PAI-1 was $23.6{\pm}8.3ng/mL$ in M0 and $21.5{\pm}10.8ng/mL$ in M1. Conclusions : The plasma levels of PAI-1 in lung cancer were higher than benign lung disease and controls, and the plasma levels of PAI-1 in T4 were significantly higher than T1-3. These findings suggest involvement of PAI-1 with local invasion of lung cancer, but it should be confirmed by the data on comparison with pathological staging and tissue level in lung cancer.

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ON THE EFFECTS CHLORINITIES UPON GROWTH OF EARLIER LARVAE AND POST-LARVA OF A FRESH WATER PRAWN, MACROBRACHIUM ROSENBERGI(DE MAN) (담수산새우 Macrobrachium rosenbergi (de Man)의 초기유생 및 Post-larva.의 성장에 미치는 염분량에 관하여)

  • KWON Chin Soo;UNO Yutaka;OGASAWARA Yohismitsu
    • Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.97-114
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    • 1977
  • The fresh water prawn, Macrobrachium rosenbergi(de Man) is a very common species in Indopacific region, which inhaits both fresh and brackish water in low land area, most of rivers and especially aboundant in the lower reaches which are influenced by sea water. It is one of the largest and commercial species of genus Macrobrachium, which is commonly larger than $18\~21cm$ in body length, from the basis of eye-stalked to the distal of telson. As a part of the researches in order to investigate the possibilities on transplantation and propagation of this species, this work dealt with the problems on the effects of chlorinities upon zoeal larvae and post-larvae 1). metamorphosis rate and optimum chlorinity for metamorphosis to post-larve, 2). tolerance and comparative survival rate on various chlorinties, from fresh water to sea water $(19.38\%_{\circ}\;Cl)$, which reared for six days upon each stage of zoeal larvae, 3). accomodation rate on chlonities which reared for twelve days after transmigration into variant chlorinities of the range from $3.68\%_{\circ}$ Cl to $1.53\%_{\circ}$ Cl in the way of rearing of the range from $3.82\%_{\circ}$ Cl to $11.05\%_{\circ}$ upon each stage of zoea, 4). tolerance on both of fresh and sea water upon zoeal larva and post-larva under the condition of $28^{\circ}C{\pm}1$ in temperature and feeding on Artenia salina nauplii, 5). relationship between various chlorinities and grwth of post-larvae under the condition of $28^{\circ}C$ in tmperature and feeding on meat of clam. Thus these investigations were performed in order to grope for a comfortable method on seedmass production. Up to the present, the study on the effects of chlorinity upon earlier zoeal larvae and post-larvae of Macrobrachium species has been scarcely performed by workers with the exception of Lewis(1961) and Ling (1962,, 1967), even so their works were not so detailed. On the other hand, larvae of several species of this genus were reared at the water which mixed sea water so as to carry out complete metamorphosis to post-larva by workers in order to investigate on earlier 1 arval and earlier post-larval development, such as Macrobrachium lamerrei (Rajyalakshmi, 1961), M. rosenbergi and M. nipponense (Uno and Kwoa, 1969; Kwon and Uno, 1969), M. acanthurs (Choudhury, 1970; Dobkin, 1971), M. carcinus(Choudhury, 1970), M. formosense(Shokita, 1970), M. olfersii (Duggei et al., 1975), M. novaehallandiae (Greenwood et al., 1976), M. japonicum (Kwon, 1974) and M. lar (Shokita, personal communication), and there fore it is regarded that chlorinity is, generally, one of absolute factors to rear zoeal larvae of brackish species of Macrobrachium genus. Synthetic results on this work is summarized as the follwings: 1) Zoeal larvae required different chlorinities to grow according to each stage, and generally, it is regarded that optimum range of living and growing is from $7.63\%_{\circ}Cl\to\;7.63\%_{\circ}Cl$, and while differences of metamorphsis rate, from first zoea to post-larva, is rarely found in this range, and however it occurs apparently in both of situation at $7.63\%_{\circ}Cl$ below and $16.63\%_{\circ}Cl$ above and moreover, metamorphosis rate is delayed somewhat in case of lower chlorinity as compared with high chlorinity in these situations. 2) Accomodation in each chlorinity on the range, from fresh water to sea water, is different according to larval stages and while the best of it is, generally, on the range from $14.24\%_{\circ}Cl$ to $8.28\%_{\circ}Cl$ and favorite chlorinity of zoea have a tendency to remove from high chlorinity to lower chlorinity in order to advance larval age throughout all zoeal stages, setting a conversional stage for eighta zoea stage. 3) Optimum chlorinity of living and growth upon postlarvae is on the range of $4.25\%_{\circ}Cl$ below, and in proportion as approach to fresh water, growth rate is increased. 4) Post-large are able to live better in fresh water in comparison with zoeal larvae, which are only able to live within fifteen hours, and by contraries, post-larvae are merely able to live for one day as compared with ?미 larvar, which are able to live for six days more in sea water $19.38\%_{\circ}Cl\;above$. 5) Also, in case of transmigration into higher and lower chlorinities in the way of rearing in the initial chlorinities $ 3.82\%_{\circ}Cl,\;7.14%_{\circ}Cl\;and\;11.05%_{\circ}Cl$, accoodation rate is a follow: accomodation capacity in ease of removing into higher chlorinities from lower chlorinities is increased in proportion as earlier stages, setting a conversional stage for eighth zoea stage, and by contraries, in case of advanced stages from eighth zoea it is incraesed in proportion as approach to post-larva stage in the case of transmigration into lower chlorinity from higher chlorinity. On the other hand, it is interesting that in case of reciprocal transmigration between two different chlorinitiess, each survival rate is different, and in this case, also, its accomodation in each zoea stage has a tendency to vary according to larval stages as described above, setting a conversional stage for eighth zoea stage. 6) It is likely that expension of radish pigments on body surface is directly proportional to chlorinity during the period of zoea rearing, and therefore it seems like all body surfacts of zoea larvae be radish coloured in case of higher chlorinity. 7) By the differences that each zoeal larvae, postlarvae, juvaniles and adult prawn are required different chlorinity for inhabiting in each, it is regarded that this species migrats from up steam to near the estuary of the river which the prawns inhabits commonly in natural field for spawning and growth migration. 8) It had better maintainning chlorinities according to zoeal stage for a comfortable method on seed-mass production that earlier larva stages than eighth zoea are maintained on the range from $8\%_{\circ}Cl\;to\;12\%_{\circ}Cl$ to rear, and later larva stages than eighth zoea, by contraries, are gradually regula ted-to love chlorininity of the range from $7\%_{\circ}Cl\;to\;4\%_{\circ}Cl$ according to advance for post-larva stage.

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A Comparison of Tiotropium 18㎍, Once Daily and Ipratropium 40㎍, 4 Times Daily in a Double-Blind, Double-Dummy, Efficacy and Safety Study in Adults with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (만성폐쇄성폐질환 환자에서 Tiotropium 1일 1회, 1회 18㎍ 요법과 Ipratropium 1일 4회, 1회 40㎍ 요법의 치료효과 및 안전성 비교)

  • Kim, Seung Joon;Kim, Myung Sook;Lee, Sang Haak;Kim, Young Kyoon;Moon, Hwa Sik;Park, Sung Hak;Lee, Sang Yeub;In, Kwang Ho;Lee, Chang Youl;Kim, Young Sam;Kim, Hyung Jung;Ahn, Chul Min;Kim, Sung Kyu;Kim, Kyung Rok;Cha, Seung Ick;Jung, Tae Hoon;Kim, Mi Ok;Park, Sung Soo;Choi, Cheon Woong;Yoo, Jee Hong;Kang, Hong Mo;Koh, Won Jung;Ham, Hyoung Suk;Kang, Eun Hae;Kwon, O Jung;Lee, Yang Deok;Lee, Heung Bum;Lee, Yong Chul;Rhee, Yang Keun;Shin, Won Hyuk;Kwon, Sung Yeon;Kim, Woo Jin;Yoo, Chul Gyu;Kim, Young Whan;Shim, Young Soo;Han, Sung Koo;Park, Hye Kyung;Kim, Yun Seong;Lee, Min Ki;Park, Soon Kew;Kim, Mi Hye;Lee, Won Yeon;Yong, Suk Joong;Shin, Kye Chul;Choi, Byoung Whui;Oh, Yeon Mok;Lim, Chae Man;Lee, Sang Do;Kim, Woo Sung;Kim, Dong Soon;Jung, Sung Soo;Kim, Ju Ock;Ko, Young Chun
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.58 no.5
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    • pp.498-506
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    • 2005
  • Background : This study compared the bronchodilator efficacy and safety of tiotropium inhalation capsules ($18{\mu}g$ once daily) with a ipratropium metered dose inhaler (2 puffs of $20{\mu}g$ q.i.d.) in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD). Method : After the initial screening assessment and a two-week run-in period, patients received either tiotropium $18{\mu}g$ once daily or ipratropium $40{\mu}g$ four times daily over a period of 4 weeks in a double blind, double dummy, parallel group study. The outcome measures were the lung function, the daily records of the peak expiratory flow rate (PEFR), the patients' questionnaire, and the use of concomitant salbutamol. The forced expiratory volume in one second ($FEV_1$) and the forced vital capacity (FVC) were measured 5 minutes before inhalation, and 0.5, 1, 2 and 3 hours after inhaling the study drug on days 0, 14 and 28. Result : In 16 centers, 134 patients with a mean (SD) age of 66 (7) years and a predicted $FEV_1$ of 42 (12)% were analyzed. The trough $FEV_1$ response was significantly higher in the tiotropium group than in the ipratropium group after a four-week treatment period. The weekly mean morning PEFR of the tiotropium group was consistently higher than that of the ipratropium group during the 4-week treatment period with differences ranging from 12.52 to 13.88 l/min, which were statistically significant. Tiotropium was well tolerated by the COPD patients during the 4-week treatment period and had a similar safety profile to ipratropium. Conclusion : This study shows that tiotropium administrated once daily has a superior bronchodilator effect with a similar safety profile in treating COPD patients compared with ipratropium, inhaled four times daily.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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