• 한국의류학회지
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.119-128
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• 1997

The purpose of this study is to examine the military look, which is one of the most popular fashion trends in the 1996 women's fashion. Military look is that imitates or reinterprets the Army uniform which is functionally useful. After World War 1 , military look appeared in the women's fashion which is functionable tailor suits style, ankle-length skirt, pants or boiler suits for work wear, overcoat against the cold, and there was an attempt to introduce a National Standard Dress. In the middle of World War II, there was a similiar circumstance in women's military fashion. There were functionable tailor suits, knee-length skirt, pants or siren suits for work wear. And the Utility Dress was nationally recommended. In addition, the regulations were introduced to control the materials and styles used for some clothes. In the 70s, as the resistance movement as counterculture began to wear Army look which was army-uniform or army caps with 'US ARMY' logo and badges, and became very popular among the youth. In the 90s, military look has got one of the fashionable fashion themes with revival of Neo- Hippie look. Not only street fashion but also high fashion designer selected the trend for '96A/W The characteristics of the military look are khaki colors or camouflage prints, epaulets, big outpockets with flap, golden buttons and army belt. As I examined, during the World War I and ll, women wore the military look because of shortage of goods and work or service, and it was recommended by government. Though the military look in 70s, began by the resistance movement, at least it became a popular fashion. Military look in 90s, does not have inner symbolic meaning or ideology but it only represents fashion trend and revival fashion.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권2호
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• pp.121-163
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• 2004

Science technique development expanded into, not only land, sea, and air operations but also those of airspace, and cyber battle spaces. It is generally accepted at this time that space centric operations currently cannot be effectively divided from air operations. However, science and technology advancements make it possible to integrate Army, Navy, Airforce, and Marine forces into effective operations as never before. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces needs to establish a more effective joint concept. The US military, considered by many experts as the most effective in the world, understands the necessity of joint operations and accordingly has highly developed its own concept of joint operations. The US joint operational concepts demonstrated their effectiveness during the Iraqi War by dominating the battlefield through effective use of all combat and non-combat power. Following the US Iraqi War experience, the US Department of Defense continued to enhance Joint Capability through the acceleration of US Military Transformation involving all components. The future national security of the Republic of Korea, faced with the peculiarity of communist threat in the form of North Korea, and the conflicting interest of four strong powers; the United States, China, Japan, and Russia, depends on small but strong armed forces employing all available combat power through effective National and Military Strategy, and considering domestic and international constraints. In order to succeed in future wars, military operations following joint operational concepts must effectively employ all available combat power in a timely manner. The Republic of Korea Armed Forces must establish a joint forces concept in order to integrate all available combat power during employment. Therefore we must establish military operations that develop the military structure and organization, doctrine, weapon systems, training and education of our armed forces based on the key concept of joint operations.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.291-322
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• 2018

This research aims to cast light upon security characteristics of the Peace Line, which have been underestimated. To understand maritime order and maritime security policy of the Republic of Korea between 1950 and 1970, it is necessary to analyze the Peace Line as line of defence and to investigate its character This research begins with analyzation of historical facts and investigation on security characteristics of the Peace Line. It goes further to examination of legal justification of the Peace Line, which was one of international legal issues of the period, principally regarding its security characteristics. As results of the study, it could be said that the security characteristics of the Peace Line was the line of defensive waters, which set its goal mainly to prevent infiltration of communist spies. The Peace Line had practical effect as it functioned as a base line of the ROK Navy to take anti-spy operation. At the early phase of the Korea-Japan Negotiation, the Korea delegation interpreted significance of the Peace Line passively. After abrogation of Clark Line, the delegation, however, became positive to maintain the Peace Line and its security characteristics. Security characteristics of the Peace Line was recognized again, as it became the base line of special maritime zone which was made in 1972. Through analysis on international law, it is concluded that the Peace Line was fair as a part of the right of self-defense against indirect aggression. North Korea attempted indirect aggression mainly from sea way, and these might undermine peace and cause urgent and unjust damage on the ROK. Thus the ROK's action of anti-spy operation through the Peace Line can be justifiable as considering the right of self-defence. Also the Peace Line accorded with principles of necessity, immediacy and proportionality. As it was argued on the above, the Peace Line as line of defence was one of the most significant factor in the ROK's maritime security history from the Hot war against communist forces to Cold war period after Korean War and must not be underestimated.

• 비교교육연구
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

본 논문은 일본 교육 정책에 큰 전환점이 되었던 두시기의 교육개혁의 지향성과 과정을 검토하여, 전전-전후 일본의 국가교육의 연속성을 국가주의와 시민교육의 맥락에서 조명하는데 목적이 있다. 학제를 공포하고 근대교육제도의 효시를 이룬 메이지 개혁(1868)을 제 1교육개혁, 패전이후 민주주의 헌법과 교육기본법, 학교교육법(1947)에 의하여 재건된 6-3-3-4제의 교육개혁을 제 2의 교육개혁(고전, 2014: 98)으로 보고, 일본 교육 정책에 큰 방향 전환이 되었던 각 시기의 국가교육이 지향하는 바와 체계를 갖추어 가는 과정을 간략하게 살펴본 후, 규범적 내용적 차원, 제도적 절차적 차원에서 전전-전후의 국가교육이 갖는 연속성과 교육개혁의 한계를 탐구하고자 한다. 메이지 일본은 근대화된 사회를 지탱할 결속된 구성원을 형성해야 할 필요성과 동시에 천황제를 뒷받침할 순종적 신민을 양성할 필요성이 있었고, 근대적 교육 체제는 이러한 과업을 달성하는데 큰 역할을 하였다. 패전 후 일본은 민주화, 비군사화라는 목표를 달성하기 위해 교육 개혁을 통해 일본적 전통 속에 내재하고 있는 권위적 국가주의의 틀을 변화시키고자 하였다. 전후 교육개혁으로 인해 교육 구조의 변형은 이루었지만 민주주의와 평화 지향의 내적 뿌리내림에 이르지 못하였으며, 냉전이라는 배경 하에 다시 교육의 보수화, 역코스로 회귀하였다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.177-192
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• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제78권
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• pp.206-242
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• 2016

이 연구는 1950년대 미국정부가 문화냉전의 와중에서 공공외교의 일환으로 해외에서 수행했던 도서 프로그램의 전체적인 윤곽을 살펴본 후, 한국에서 시행한 도서번역 사업의 전개 과정과 목적 및 내용을 분석하고, 사업의 성과와 의미를 검토하였다. 분석의 결과로, 한국에서의 미국 도서번역 사업은 미군정기부터 극히 미진한 수준에서 시작되었지만, 한국전쟁을 거치면서 본격화되어 1950년대 후반에 최고조에 도달했던 것으로 밝혀졌다. 1950년대 미국 국무성과 대외공보국(USIA)의 지침에 따라 주한 미공보원(USIS)이 수행했던 도서번역 사업의 목적은 시기에 따라 개별적인 비중이 변화되기는 했어도, 대체로 미국의 자유민주주의와 자본주의 체제의 우월성을 강조하고, 공산주의 사회의 부조리와 모순을 비판하며, 미국의 외교 정책에 대한 이해를 제고하고, 예술 문학 과학 부문에서의 미국의 성취를 전파하려 했던 것으로 확인되었다. 특히 번역 도서를 선정할 때 미국의 대외정책과 모순되거나 국가적 이미지를 훼손할 가능성이 있는 도서는 철저히 배제하였고, 미국정부의 공보정책에 기여할 것으로 판단되는 소수의 한국인 저작물에 대해서는 지원을 아끼지 않았으며, 도서번역 사업의 효과를 극대화하기 위해 일본어 번역서를 활용하는 것도 마다하지 않았다. 이러한 미국정부의 도서번역 사업은 한국이 해방과 분단으로 겪게 된 지식과 정보의 공백 상태를 극복하는 데 일정하게 기여했다고 평가할 수 있지만, 다른 한편으로 미국정부의 정책적 기준에 따른 도서 선정으로 말미암아 한국인들의 대미 인식이나 세계정세 판단에 왜곡을 초래했을 수도 있다고 생각된다.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제19권3호
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• pp.117-126
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• 2019

역사적으로 국제연합(United Nations)은 해방 이후 대한민국 정부수립을 지원해 주었고, 한국전쟁시 평화유지군을 파병하여 자유민주주의와 평화를 수호하는데 결정적인 역할을 하였다. 유엔의 정치적·군사적 지원을 바탕으로 대한민국은 오늘날 세계 10위의 경제대국으로 성장할 수 있었으며, 이제는 중견국으로서 국제사회의 평화와 번영에 기여하기 위해 책임과 역할을 다해야 할 시점이 되었다. 유엔의 국제평화활동은 분쟁의 예방과 평화조성, 평화강제, 평화유지, 평화건설을 아우르는 포괄적 개념으로 유엔헌장(UN Charter)에 근거하여 안전보장이사회 결의안에 따라 시행된다. 탈냉전 이후 국제 안보환경과 분쟁요인의 변화에 효과적으로 대응하기 위해 유엔은 2000년 브라히미 보고서와 2015년 유엔평화활동에 관한 고위급 패널보고서를 통해 국제평화활동의 패러다임 전환을 추진했다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 아직까지 재건지원과 인도적 지원 등 제한적 수준에서 참여하고 있는 한국군의 국제평화활동을 평가하고 향후 중견국으로서 보다 적극적인 참여를 위한 발전방안을 제시하고자 한다. 이를 위해 유엔 평화유지임무단이 다수 주둔하고 있는 아프리카 대륙을 중심으로 지역분쟁의 역사와 특수성, 탈냉전 이후 변화된 갈등요인, 유엔 평화활동의 새로운 패러다임을 고찰하였고, 향후 한국군이 지향해야 할 국제평화활동 발전방안을 제시하였다.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제4호
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• pp.203-239
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• 2006

As it is known, during the Second World War Greece has fought on the side of the allies and the end of the war found the country on the winners' side. However, the struggle for authority right after 1945 was merciless and extremely difficult, as well as dangerous for the course of the country to the future. The political powers were divided between the legal authorities that were represented by the king and formed the exiled government on the one hand and the part of the resistance teams and the rebels of the left that had a soviet friendly direction on the other. Thus, the start of a civil war was just a matter of time. It fin ally started in 1947 and lasted for more than two years. The consequences were disastrous for the country's economy and decisive for the future course of Greece. The national army prevailed with the help of, mostly, the English. Royal parliamentary democracy was established with a clear political turn to the west, as a completion and adaptation of the Agreement of the Great Powers at Yalta. Art had a 'similar' route. Dipolar, contradictory: conservative choices on the one side, and a will for pioneering inspiration and perspective on the other side. The 'dominate' trend was first evident in sculpture and mainly in the public monuments. Their construction aimed mostly at the public propaganda and at the promotion of the sovereign ideology. On the one side we have the public sculptures composed of faces of contemporary heroes or leading figures of the civic war and the national resistance. On the other side we have monumental statues mainly that appeal to a 'public' outside of the country's borders and mostly of the north borders, where there are countries with a communistic regime, like Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. Their subject is derived from the heroic events of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and ancient historical figures like Alexander the Great as the Greek army leader, his father, Philippos II and Aristotle, who was of a north-Greek origin. The political message is twofold: on the one side the 'inner enemy' the communists that were defeated and the promotion of the new liberal social system and on the other side the north neighbours, which not only represent the East Block, but they also conspire the history and the culture of the Greeks. This is the way how the 'Cold War' was resulted in a full and totalitarian expression in art.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제32권8호
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• pp.1309-1321
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• 2008

Military style is not limited to a single period but represents various image communications related to items, synthetic images and different periodical culture backgrounds. The purpose of this study is to define the communicational function of the military style beginning from the 1st world war up to the modern days, and furthermore explain the characteristics and contents of military styles in different periods by studying the nowadays various symbols of the military style in denotative and connotative aspects. The research method is documentary studies through the literature and academic paper, and examined masters' and doctors' thesis, domestic and overseas books and fashion magazines, photographs and materials collected from the internet. As a result, first, the military style is a significant fashion code in understanding modern fashion by serving as a strong communication function representing people’s ritual through various image items called the 'military look'. Second, the meaning of the image communication through military look changed throughout the different periods. During the 1st and 2nd World war the military look supported Fascism by serving as a media representing extreme patriotism and at the same time social images like functionalism, women liberation, regulation and saving. During the cold war period it was used by young progressives like hippies and punks to send an opposing message towards war and commercialism. Since then up to the 80s it was a medium representing the ‘new role of women’, who possess same social rights and power as the men. However in the 90s the military style had to go through a paradigm transition period. Since this period it got affected by the post modernism and designers, consumers alike adopted military style to create unique beauty It can also be said that it began to be used as a pure fashion code representing intertextuality. It was rather expressed as a metonymy than a metaphor and combined with elegance and feminine factor, which contrasts to the original military concept, it now represents totally new hybrids such as difference, dissemination and varieties.

• 인문언어
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.183-201
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• 2002

Since the end of the Cold War, debate about the grand struggle between capitalism and communism has been largely replaced by debate about religious sectarianism. Some have even referred to a "clash of civilizations" in the wake of the spread of Islamic fundamentalism. This is in fact an old debate, but it has been given new life by arguments about globalization and economic development as envisioned by the West, and especially by the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001. While the political right has had little difficulty treating religious belief as a fundamental human and social interest, much of the political left has remained committed to secular Enlightenment, even when it criticizes the hegemony of the West. The dispute depends upon competing notions of history, secularism, and progress, and ultimately on the possibility or desirability of universal solidarity. While for many a world unified by one religion may no longer make sense, the old Enlightenment dream that a single version of secular and universal reason will eventually prevail over religious difference may also need to be reconsidered. The process that we call secularization is neither as singular, nor as transparent, as we might think.