• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.36
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• pp.5-38
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• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.4-21
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• 2021

A stone mold from the Sabi period of Baekje was excavated at the western tombs in Neungsan-ri, Buyeo where there was a recent excavation survey (2016). It was believed and reported that such stone molds were used for copper needles during the early Iron Age; however, a close re-examination of the form revealed that they were used for bifid ornamental hairpins. Given its casting form, the stone mold of Neungsan-ri is estimated to have been used to make bifid ornamental hairpins in a ∩ shape, narrowing down toward the tip. It is considered an artifact of the Goryeo dynasty. The stone used to make the bifid ornamental hairpin mold of Neungsan-ri was chlorite-schist, the principal minerals of which include chlorite, amphibole, and talc. Similar rocks are in nearby Buyeo (Oesan-myeon), Cheongyang, Gongju, and Yesan. They are mainly found between Jiseon-ri, Oesan-myeon, Buyeo, Sucheol-ri, Yesane-up, and Yesan. Nearly 70 bifid ornamental hairpins from the Goryeo dynasty were excavated at Neungsan-ri, Buyeo and the surrounding areas. Among them, the bronze ones excavated from the tombs of Songguk-ri, Buyeo are estimated to have been made using this mold as they closely resemble the Neungsan-ri mold. Stone was likely the preferred material for molds to make bronze artifacts as it was easy to sink a die. Regarding the bifid ornamental hairpin cast excavated in Neungsan-ri, they obtained stones in nearby areas 20~50km from their location, made bronze artifacts, and distributed them to nearby sites during the Goryeo dynasty. These artifacts suggest that the casting technology of using a stone mold was still employed then.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.139-148
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• 2011

This study has a purpose of base study for ascertaining landscape architect's role of Reung Chambong through analyzing old literature include Kyungkukdae-Jeon, Sokdae-Jeon, Daejeonhoitong, Joseonwangjo-Sillok, Eugye, Reung-Ji, Ilsung-Rok, Reung Chambong's diary. Reung Chambong was a government post in the Joseon dynasty, who managed Royal Tombs of Joseon Dynasty that has promoted as a World Heritage of UNESCO. the conclusions drawn from this study are as follows. First, Reung Chambong was comprised of two Jong 9 pum Chanmbong members. a position of Reung Chambong was a Eumjik appointed Saengwon, Jinsa, Yuhak completed Sammang. the standards of appointment is a experienced person and too young. it became means for accessing a government post because it had a symbolic representation of Royal Tombs guardian. Second, The management system of Reung Chambong was approved on the basis of ranking. however, due to geographical reasons, they had much authority and various mission than is possible. for example, construction supervisor of the Reung and Bongsim, manager of the Reungsuhogun and filling out Reungji. they performed an important role in management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty. Third, One of tasks related in landscape architecture, a Bongshim reported Sukmul(stonework), Sacho, Jungja-Gak of Reungsang to Yejo periodically. formational system and method of Bongshim are provided in the Kyungkukdae-Jeon and Sokdae-Jeon detailedly. Fourth, Tree management and construction supervisor of Reungsang, positions among tasks related in landscape architecture, required basic understanding and management ability of botany, various eye for spatial perception includes civil and architectural projects. also, as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty, Reung Chambong was empowered tacit authorization and responsibility in mobility preoccupancy of vertical relationship with local officials and handling by-product of site. there is a close correspondence with landscape architect of today. A follow-up research is required to ascertain landscape architect historical values of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty and Reung Chambong's role as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty through historical seeking and research old literature on Reung Chambong's role related in landscape architect.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.205-232
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• 2017

In the former half of the 18th century, For this period the literary people who led the literature of Nam'in were Sadaebu named the so-called Munoepa. There were Gang Pak(姜樸), Lee In-bok(李仁復), Lee Jung-hwan, Oh Gwang-un(吳光運), and Gang Pil-shin(姜必愼) in Munoepa(門外派). All these people as Sadaebu of Nam'in kept company with families of each other, had close relations from early childhood, and shared with same opinions in various ways like politics, culture, etc. They had intimate relationships not only in politics but also in literature, and primarily acted their part regarding the development of literary circles in the first half of the 18th century. Many individual poets who achieved the outstanding literary accomplishment appeared in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, especially in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They actively made progress in their literary works with Sisa. The poets in similar positions had the Sisa to show their literary ability and check on their view about the literature. They briskly tried to express their own literary intention in activities of Sisa. Gang Pil-shin is a literary representative of the late period of Joseon Dynasty Nam'in. Through the exchange relationship of Gang Pil-shin, we can confirm certain aspects of his literary world. People who have tied up with Gang Pil-shin are largely divided into three. First, it is a literary person in Geungi Nam'in literati, typified by Backryeonsidan, Jinju Gang family, Gyeongsang Provinces area that was a place of residence. The exchanges of Gang Pil-shin were done via a poetry club. a poetry club was basically conducted mainly on relatives such as Gang Pak. However, the members of a poetry club changed according to the area where you live. Gang Pil-shin made a poetry club while coming back and forth between Seoul and Gyeongsang Provinces. This means that Gang Pil-shin also had special attention as Geungi Nam'in (近畿 南人), but also had a positive nature as Yeongnam south person. A closer look at what linguistics of Gang Pil-shin Geungi Nam'in and Yeongnam Nam'in had special characteristics late period of Joseon Dynasty It is possible to confirm the special characteristics of Seoul and the local literary exchange. For this reason, it seems that more detailed examination of the literature of Gang Pil-shin is necessary.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.215-262
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• 2021

This thesis focuses on Wandeuki and Elegant Lies - novels written by Kim Ryeo-reong and adapted into the film by Director Lee Han; this thesis analyzes the process of storytelling being transformed as the media is converted. Also, this thesis discusses cultural-political implications of transmedia storytelling where different narrative responses coexist concerning post-IMF family disorganization and "individualization." First of all, this thesis critically reviews existing discourses on the concept of transmedia storytelling and refers to 'transfictionality' the narratological concept of Marie-Laure Ryan in order to look into media conversion storytelling that starts from original novels. The novels Wandeuki and Elegant Lies show two aspects of "individualization" that adopts existential conditions of family disorganization. Wandeuki deviates from patriarchal family romance through self-discovery and exhibits loose family bond, which is something similar to companionship of close individuals. Elegant Lies shows individualization of pain by portraying a teenager who found herself completely isolated, while showing that it is impossible for the people left behind to mourn. On the other hand, director Lee Han's films and show stories in which family members, who are confronting family dissolution, rediscover and restore their families against family dissolution. The film promotes the expansion of family community through multicultural identity, and the film completes condolence of the people left behind by having the remaining families survive as survivors of suicide. The storyworld of the novels puts emphasis on 'self-discovery' of individual adolescents, while the storyworld of the movies puts emphasis on 'rediscovery of family'. Through transformation of storytelling - especially the redesigning of narrative structures called "modification" - transmedia storytelling shows that the relationship between media-converted texts is far from "faithful representation," but rather, shows conflicting themes and perspectives. With a reference point of 'the emergence of character' transmedia storytelling, which is predicated on the original work but aims to free itself from the original work by transforming storytelling through media conversion, opens up polyphonic storyworld by creating heterogeneous voices. In the post IMF-era, where uncertainty mounts over family dissolution and individualization, polyphonic storyworld created by transmedia storytelling provides an opportunity to experience disparate desires over individual freedom/risk and complacency toward community. We can call this the cultural-political implication of transmedia storytelling based on transferring, transcednding, and transforming.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.5
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• pp.69-79
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• 2022

This study aims to assess the current understanding of the landscape of wind power facilities as renewable energy sources that supply sightseeing, tourism, and other opportunities. Therefore, social media data related to the landscape of wind power facilities experienced by visitors from different regions was analyzed. The analysis results showed that the common characteristics of the landscape of wind power facilities are based on the scale of wind power facilities, the distance between overlook points of wind power facilities, the visual openness of the wind power facilities from the overlook points, and the terrain where the wind power facilities are located. In addition, the preference for wind power facilities is higher in places where the shape of wind power facilities and the surrounding landscape can be clearly seen- flat ground or the sea are considered better landscapes. Negative keywords about the landscape appear on Gade Mountain in Taibai, Meifeng Mountain in Taibai, Taiqi Mountain, and Gyeongju Wind Power Generation Facilities on Gyeongshang Road in Gangwon. The keyword 'negation' occurs when looking at wind power facilities at close range. Because of the high angle of the view, viewers can feel overwhelmed seeing the size of the facility and the ridge simultaneously, feeling psychological pressure. On the contrary, positive landscape adjectives are obtained from wind power facilities on flat ground or the sea. Visitors think that the visual volume of the landscape is fully ensured on flat ground or the sea, and it is a symbolic element that can represent the site. This study analyzes landscape awareness based on the opinions of visitors who have experienced wind power facilities. However, wind power facilities are built in different areas. Therefore, landscape characteristics are different, and there are many variables, such as viewpoints and observers, so the research results are difficult to popularize and have limitations. In recent years, landscape damage due to the construction of wind power facilities has become a hot issue, and the domestic methods of landscape evaluation of wind power facilities are unsatisfactory. Therefore, when evaluating the landscape of wind power facilities, the scale of wind power facilities, the inherent natural characteristics of the area where wind power facilities are set up, and the distance between wind power facilities and overlook points are important elements to consider. In addition, wind power facilities are set in the natural environment, which needs to be protected. Therefore, from the landscape perspective, it is necessary to study the landscape of wind power facilities and the surrounding environment.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.