• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.81-105
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• 2014

For a lack of books on tea ceremony, 'Dongdasong (東茶頌)' by Buddhist priest Choui occupies a prominent position. Along with 'Dabu (茶賦)' by Yi Mok (李穆: 1471~1498) and 'Gida (記茶)' by Yi Deok-ri (李德履: 1728~ ?), Dongdasong forms the three peaks of tea work. These books are all based on Tea Classic (茶經) by Ryukwoo (陸羽). Assuming that Tea Classic serves as introduction (起), Dabu is development (承), Gida for turn (轉) and Dongdasong for conclusion (結). Dongdasong is inextricable from Dasinjeon (茶神傳). Dasinjeon is the abstract of Jangwon's Darok (茶錄). The keyword of Dasinjeon is 'tea deity (茶神).' Extracting key concepts of Darok as his perspective, Choui established his own philosophy on tea ceremony. In the process of making into his philosophy, he reorganized the system by introducing the principle of 'subtle combination (妙合),' one of traditions in Korean thought, which is characterized by not separating spirit and material. It is 'subtle combination' that does not make a division between spirit and material, which are undeniably different things. Subtle combination is a relation of two things' being one and one thing's being two. Choui's philosophy on tea ceremony can be assessed as valuable inheritance from traditions of Korean thought.

• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.9 no.10
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• pp.94-100
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• 2019

This study presents the superiority of his calligraphy by analyzing the use, meaning, and calligraphy of nickname three dragon-man(yong-jeong) written by Kim Junghee before and after exile in Jeju Island. Based on the basic structure of the three dragon-man, the relationship between the times, the context, and the characters was studied. Through this change process, the difference of art engineering with other works was analyzed. Kim Junghee intentionally went through a difficult situation by using a nickname with a dragon. He wrote different meanings, uses, and typefaces of the nickname three dragon-man, depending on the circumstances. Finally, Kim Junghee used 'three dragon-man' to King Heonjong and Monk Choui to express his feelings and intentions. His writing was excellent in art engineering and unique in the world. All were found to be supported by his epigraphy insights. The results of this study will be a new methodology for analyzing the meaning of nicknames of ordinary artists.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.271-278
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• 2019

Sochi Heo Ryeon (1808 ~ 1893), who was born in Jindo in the late Joseon Dynasty, is a master of three classes, caligography, painting.It is a representative painter who is called the founder of the Honam Paintings. He learned Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism from choui and learned the basics of painting.He became a student of Kim Chung Hee as an introduction of choui. Since then, I have correctly understood the painting aesthetic that realizes the painting by the paintings and paintings of chusa. And he succeeded it in the art world of Honam. His life and artistic features are the wandering that lasted over 70, many work activities, and details the records habit of details of "Sochisillok". Sochi's paintings aimed at Namjong painting, expressing the simple and clear beauty of the free brush and the landscape painting of ye-hwang style. In addition, the peony was painted with bizarre rocks, expressing the lively beauty by changing the brush to be called 'Heo-peony'. And it fulfilled the desire for riches and honors and the taste of Sunbee at the same time, and it became a representative material of 'Unlimsanbang' after being passed on to the house. His naturalized style of painting and painting aesthetic have been influential to the art world in modern Korea until now, forming a painter 's vein for 200 years over 5 generations.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.170-189
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• 2019

Sochi Heo Ryun (小癡 許鍊, 1808-1893) was a literary artist of Chinese paintings of the Southern School during the late Joseon dynasty and the founder of paintings in the literary artist's style of Jindo County in South Jeolla Province. He was also a professional literary artist who acquired both learning and painting techniques under Choui (a Zen priest) and Kim Jeong-hee's teachings. Heo Ryun's landscape paintings were influenced by Kim Jung -hee. However, his ink orchid paintings, which he began producing in his later years, were not related to the 'Ink Orchid Paintings of Chusa (秋史蘭)'. His ink orchid paintings as a whole drew attention as he followed the old methods but still used rough brush strokes . Ordinary orchids were drawn based on Confucian content. However, his Jebal (題跋) and seal (印章) contain not only Confucian characters but also Taoist and Buddhist meanings. Therefore, it is possible to guess his direction of life and his private world of suffering. Ryun's ink orchid paintings reflected a variety of philosophies and aesthetic sensibilities. He went through a process of stylistic change over time and formed an 'Ink Orchid Painted Thought' in later life. The main characteristic of Sochi's ink orchid paintings is that he formed his own special methods for orchid paintings by mimicking the Manuals of Paintings. He drew orchids with his fingers in the beginning. Then, Jeongseop, Lee Ha-eung, Cho Hee-ryong, and others developed an organic relationship with the painting style of ink orchid paintings. Then in later years, orchid paintings reached the point of 'Picture Painted Thought (寫意畵)'. The above consideration shows that ink orchid paintings, which he produced until the end of his life, were the beginning of his mental vision and will to realize the image of a literal artist.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.95-112
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• 2013

Jangchungdan Park is now perceived as a mere park at the foot of Namsan mountain, but originally it was created to commemorate soldiers of Korean Empire on a site which name was Namsoyeong(南小營) during Joseon Dynasty. During the period of Japanese colonial rule, it was transformed into a park due to the rapidly changing circumstances, so the components expressing the validity of the colonial rule were introduced into the park. This paper examines the time sequential changes of Jangchungdan Park during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and the conclusions can be summarized as given below. Firstly, the park originally was a space to commemorate the soldiers who fought for the Korean Empire. It was built on formerly restricted area at the foot of Namsan Mountain in 1900, and it was arranged putting the ceremonial shrine Dansa (壇祠) as a central building and the annexes in the surroundings of it. The memorial ceremonies were held regularly in spring and autumn until 1909. Secondly, it became a city park for citizens of Gyeongseong-bu(the name of Seoul under the Japanese colonial rule). The authorities of Gyeongseong-bu reorganized Jangchungdan as a park in 1919, prohibited the performance of memorial ceremonies, and the existing buildings except the ceremonial shrine Dansa began to be used as park management facilities. Resting areas and amenities were supplemented for the usage of people from various backgrounds, and the large scale planting of cherry trees made the park a famous place to enjoy cherry-blossoms and other flowers in spring. Thirdly, it was reconstructed as a space to honor the influential personalities of Japanese colonial system. In 1932, Bankmun temple (博文寺) to commemorate Ito Hirobumi was constructed at a location that made it possible for a number of people to overlook Jangchungdan area. During that time, the buildings of traditional Joseon architecture were removed and reconstructed to serve as annexes to Bankmun temple. Due to the strategy to make Jangchungdan park a tourist attraction, Bankmun temple was included into the Gyeongseong sightseeing course, since the wide panorama of Jangchungdan Park and the whole city of Gyeongseong was opening from the temple. Various different components were introduced into Jangchungdan Park due to the rapidly changing circumstances; therefore the nature of the park was either altered or reproduced. Hopefully, the park rearrangement works will be executed paying respects to the memories of the past hereafter.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.141-170
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• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.