• 한국어교육
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.47-75
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• 2012

Korean Studies in China is centered on Korean language program and is very successful, creating and instilling positive images of Korea. In China, Korean Studies means both North Korea and South Korea and is called "Korean Studies," "Chosun Studies," "Peninsula Studies" or "Chosun Peninsula Studies." Korean Studies includes international economics, South Korea-North Korea relations, Korea-China relations, centering on international relations as well as domestic issues of South Korea and North Korea. It has continued to develop despite limitations due to South and North Koreas' domestic political situations. However, changing in Korea-China relations is an important factor in expansion of Korean Studies. According to the time period, subjects and the areas of studies vary, significantly affecting the results. Despite the fact that Korean Studies in China has experienced identity crisis, it continues to maintain Chinese perspective, endeavoring to form Chinese Studies School. It is developing to promote friendship and cooperation between the two countries as well as to enhance economic ties. Presently researching on Korean Studies and Korean language education in China is influenced by practical motives and needs, rather than pure academic purposes. This study analyzes what Korean Studies in China means and how it has progressed. After examining Chinese scholars' identities and differences in their approaches, I plan to propose the direction for Korean Studies in China.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제30권2호
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• pp.69-90
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• 2020

The arbitration system has many advantages, including resilience, speed, ease of approval, and enforcement of foreign arbitration in international disputes, and it plays an important role in today's international business. As the world's economic activities increase, China's trade disputes are intensifying. In 2017, China emphasized the international cooperation and commercial expansion of foreign investment at "One Belt, One Road." Therefore, it is expected that international business will become more active, with the issue of how to recognize and enforce the foreign arbitration awards in China becoming highly important. In addition, South Korea and China maintained deep trade relations after establishing diplomatic relations in 1992 and concluding the Korea-China Free Trade Agreement, which will inevitably increase trade disputes. As far as South Korea is concerned, China is South Korea's largest trading partner, so it is important for South Korea to analyze how foreign arbitration awards are recognized and enforced in China. China's accession to the New York Convention in 1987 was the beginning of the enforcement of foreign arbitrators. However, since China has begun to recognize and enforce foreign arbitrators relatively late, there are many problems in terms of recognizing and enforcing foreign arbitral awards in China. This study introduces the concept and scope of foreign arbitral awards, as well as the legal basis and procedures for recognizing and enforcing foreign arbitral awards, and examines relevant cases and the denial of recognition and enforcement of a foreign arbitration award. In the end, some issues and remedies for the recognition and enforcement of the foreign arbitral awards system in China were concluded.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

2017년 창설 50주년을 맞은 아세안(ASEAN)은 제도적 보완과 기능적 협력을 강화하기 위해 일련의 선언과 행동 계획을 채택했다. 아세안의 '회합력'(convening power)이 아세안 중심성(centrality)과 회복력(resilience)을 촉진하고 있다. 반면 아세안 회원국의 민주주의 후퇴는 전통적 규범의 한계를 심화시키고 아세안의 이행력을 저하시킨다. 이 글은 아세안 주요 쟁점을 고찰하고 전망을 도출하고자 한다. 첫째, 아세안의 제도적 발전과 기능적 협력의 현황을 아세안 공동체 건설의 현황과 쟁점을 중심으로 살피고자 한다. 둘째, 아세안의 대외 관계를 중국, 미국, 한국과의 관계를 중심으로 살피고자 한다. 남중국해 이슈 및 중국의 경제적 영향력 확대는 아세안-중국관계의 복잡성을 심화시키고 있다. 트럼프 행정부의 대 동남아 정책 변화에 대응하기 위해서는 아세안의 단결이 필요하다. 한국의 신남방정책은 여러 제약에도 불구하고 양자 관계에 있어 전환점이 될 것으로 기대된다. 대외 환경의 변화 속에 아세안 단결과 중심성의 강화가 더욱 절실해지고 있다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.59-93
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• 2015

A Paradigm shift is in process in China's foreign policies during Xi Jinping's era. Such changes occur with changing national identities from developing country to great power, and from continental power to continental-maritime power. China's pursuit for sea power embraces its global strategy. Accommodating the new identity of maritime power, China is developing its maritime strategy. New silk-road strategy actively utilizes China's advantage in economy, while avoiding direct military challenges against the U.S. China seeks an associated balance of power with the U.S. On the other hand, China make its determination clear to protect its core national interests, particularly Taiwan straits issue, deploying Anti-Access and Area-Denial strategy. 'Pax-Americana 3.0' and 'China's rise 2.0' have convoluted and evolved in complexity. South Korea faces much tougher challenges ahead in its foreign and security environments.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.163-194
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• 2022

A transboundary environmental problem refers to an environmental problem that goes beyond a country's territory and damages neighboring countries. It is a difficult problem because, basically, it is a natural, rather than intentional, effect, and it is extremely hard to make a scientific consensus on the cause-effect relations between upstream and downstream nations. Air pollution, especially PM 2.5 and PM 10, is one of the typical cases of transboundary environmental problems in the Northeast Asia. This paper analyzes the constraints of environmental cooperation between China and South Korea to address transboundary air pollution issue. It argues that lack of trust and ideological hostility, rather than, scientific uncertainty, is the biggest obstacle for effective cooperation, and these hostile discourses and ideas are mostly generated by media in the downstream nation, the South Korea. In order to identify how South Korean media frames this issue, this paper searched newspaper articles in the six representative South Korean newspapers during the period of 2014 and 2020, and analyzed about 2,000 articles selected. It finds that South Korean media has framed the transboundary air pollution as a China bashing and related domestic political cleavage issue, while it neglects to show the cooperation attempts that the two countries have made to date. Also, while the media focuses on China hate frame, it has never reported the Chinese government's domestic policies to reduce air pollution and their results. Media's overuse of hate and blame frames not only has disrupted trust building but also it will delay a possible turning point of environmental cooperation between the two countries in the future.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권9호
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• pp.209-217
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to investigate the development and determinants of China-ASEAN trade relations over the period of 2000-2018. Employing both the qualitative and quantitative approaches, the results show that the trade relations between China and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have remarkably developed and rapidly grown over times, with a significantly important concentration on the segments of high technological and medium technological products. We also find that China's economic scale is crucially impacting on the China-ASEAN trade relations under both the aggregate and sub-sector level. It is interesting to notice that there is no evidence to support accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and officially forming of ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) to enhance trade relation between both sides. The findings also quantitatively indicate that there is much significant potential for the expansion of mutual trade between China and some members of ASEAN such as Brunei, Laos and Malaysia, while less potential is predicted for other members of ASEAN. It is strongly suggested that China and ASEAN should find a new proactive approach and make more efforts in improving the mutual political trusts to enhance trading activities in the coming years.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.361-383
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• 2009

본 연구에서는 두 국가 간 정치적 분쟁(또는 협력)의 원인적 변수를 단순하게 두 국가 간 경제적 교역으로 설정한 Polachek(1978, 1980)의 교역-분쟁에 관한 기대효용모형에 관련 강대국의 개입이라는 요소를 더하여, 제3국의 개입이 두 국가 간 분쟁에 어떤 영향을 주는가를 이론적으로 분석하였다. 또한 구체적으로 남북한 모두와 밀접한 교역관계를 맺고 있는 중국의 북한과의 무역이 남북한 간 정치적 분쟁에 어떻게 영향을 주는가를 실증적으로 분석하여 보았다. 이론적 분석에서는 남한과 중국이 정치적 관계에서 대립적 관계일 때, 북한의 중국에 대한 수출증가는 북한의 남한에 대한 분쟁 증가를 유도하는 것으로 나타났다. 마찬가지로 남한과 중국이 정치적으로 대립적 관계일 때, 북한의 중국으로부터의 수입증가는 북한의 남한에 대한 분쟁 증가를 유도하는 것으로 나타났다. 한편 실증적 분석에서는 북한의 대남수출(남한의 대북반입)과 대중수출은 남북한 분쟁관계에 영향을 주는 않는다는 것으로 나타났다. 그러나 북한의 대남수입(남한의 대북반출)이 증가하면 남북한 정치관계는 협력관계로 진행되고 있으며, 북한의 대중수입이 증가하면 남북한 정치관계는 분쟁의 증가관계로 진행되는 것으로 나타났는데, 이러한 실증적 결과는 앞에서 분석한 이론적 분석과도 일치하고 있다.

• International Journal of Contents
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.75-81
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• 2012

This study explores the important causal relationship between the public (domestic) and trade (international) disputes of South Korea and China. To understand the relations between the domestic and international disputes, Putnam's study of the two-level game theory has been conducted in order to analyze the effect of complicated social and political frameworks on international trade disputes. Due to the social and political differences between South Korea and China, this study provides three findings based on negotiation, policy, and strategic approaches.

• 무역학회지
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• 제46권6호
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• pp.21-38
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• 2021

China adopts the "Outline of the 14th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development of the People's Republic of China and the Long-Range Objectives Through the Year 2035" in the context of tremendous changes in the international environment. A new development paradigm is proposed to prioritize domestic circulation, reinforcing both domestic and international circulations. The industrial policies of China's "14th Five-Year Plan" will have an impact on Korea. Thus it is necessary for Korea to cooperate with China to actively respond to changes in the industrial chains and value chains in Asia and the world. Over the past 29 years since the establishment of diplomatic relation between China and South Korea, the two countries have enjoyed close economic and trade relations. China-ROK cooperation is critical to regional economic development in the Fourth Industrial Revolution and the era of remarkable changes in the world's political and economic structure. China is a robust developing country, while Korea is a developed one in with steady foothold in the world economy. China and South Korea should work together to contribute to the rapid recovery and development of the world economy instead of becoming competitors.