• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.5-15
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• 2024

China is the largest producer and consumer of mushrooms, and the development of China's mushroom industry poses a serious threat to Korea, which has similar mushroom production and consumption tendencies. China's mushroom industry produced only 50,000 tons around 1985 when statistical data began to be published, but by 2020, it has developed into an industry with annual production exceeding 40 million tons. The rapid development of the mushroom industry in China is due to high profitability, rapid funds turnover, rapid return on investment, active support from local governments, increased preference and consumption of healthy foods due to increased national income, expansion of overseas exports, and introduction of automated facility cultivation. Recently, there is a high possibility that mushroom production through automated facility cultivation in China will be excessive, so if measures are not taken, there is a high possibility that it will encroach on the Korean mushroom market. Therefore, in order to protect domestic mushroom farmers and industries, it is necessary to accurately identify and analyze the current status of China's mushroom industry.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the implications of the change in the way China conducts public diplomacy, through an in-depth study of international education programs promoted under China's public diplomacy strategy. The leadership of Xi Jinping is now trying for China to become the top power in the world, not just a G2 country, based on China's economic growth over the past 40 years. Also, as a vision for the goal, the leadership is presenting the dream of the great revival of the Chinese nation. Currently, the international education program promoted at the level of public diplomacy in China is operated in an active, mid- to long-term manner within the national strategy, away from the past passive and responsive method. In other words, while China's past international education program was a passive model for dispelling the "Chinese Threat Theory," China's current international education program is evolving into an active model that can promote the "Chinese" order in the world.

• Journal of Korean Society for Atmospheric Environment
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.26-37
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• 2009

Recently rapid environmental changes due to desertification and industrialization in China make a threat to Korea, especially during Asian Dust Event (ADE). This study was aimed to compare symptoms and behaviors related to ADE between Korea and China. We conducted questionnaires on self-reported symptoms and behaviors before and during ADE. Korean and Chinese subjects were grouped into children, adults, and elderly by nation (n=791). Statistical analyses were performed by $X^2$-test, Fisher's exact test, t-test and chow's test for comparing differences between Korean and Chinese. We estimated the odds ratio for perceived symptoms during ADE by preventive behavior, using Generalized Estimation Equation (GEE). The study indicated that there were significant differences between symptoms in Korea and those in China such as cold, cough, and sore throat, especially in elderly. Preventive behaviors such as avoiding outdoor activity and wearing sunglasses were more often performed in China than Korea. However wearing mask was more often performed in Korea than China. After adjusting for age, sex, educational level, and smoking status, the odds ratio (OR) of dry cough symptom in Korea was significantly decreased by closing the windows and wearing a mask during ADE. In China, the OR of dry cough symptom was decreased by wearing a mask and avoiding outdoor activity. We found that China which had higher performance of preventive behavior showed lower prevalence of symptoms during ADE than Korea. Also preventive behaviors could affects prevalence of symptoms during ADE. This results suggest that preventive behavior. could reduce symptoms during ADE and there are needed for. more attentions to reduce a threat of ADE.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.31-76
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• 2018

This article explores why the two Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam and the Philippines, choose different strategies to cope with the Chinese threat. Despite the evident Chinese threat in the South China Sea, Vietnam has not meaningfully expanded the military cooperation with the United States, whereas the Philippines, ironically, has distanced itself with its ally, the United States. Existing studies on the topic does not offer a satisfactory explanation. We assign that two cases are examples of "underbalancing" - the failure of balancing even though there is an evident threat. Furthermore, we demonstrate the difference between cases of the Philippines and Vietnam by arguing that the number of veto players affects the outcome of foreign policy, underbalancing of two countries. The Philippines has only one veto player, the president, hence its response to external threats is incoherent. On the other hand, the number of veto players in Vietnam is more than one and those players demand negotiation among them on the matter of foreign policy. Upon analyses on two cases we argue that the former is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy stability, while the latter is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy responsiveness.

• Maritime Security
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

For the last 70 years, the U.S.-led bilateral security system, or "Hub-and-Spokes" system, has been applied to Northeast Asia, and the system has been successfully settled in terms of stability and economic achievements of the region. Given the increasing complexity of the security environment of East Asia, it is plausible to consider the possibility of a security system shift from bilateral alliances to collective security. In order to analyze the driver of collective security system, this study developed three factors of formation and development of collective security system - main threat, intensity of the threat, and confidence among countries in the system - by reviewing international political theories related to security cooperation. Comparing the formation, development, and achievements of NATO and SEATO, the study figures out that the existence of the main threat, the high intensity of the threat, and the strong confidence among countries in the security system are the primary drivers for a successful collective security system. Based on the result, the study also analyzed the possibility of a security system shift in East Asia. Considering contemporary international conflicts such as U.S.-China strategic competition, Russia-Ukraine War, and growing threats posed by North Korean nuclear and missiles, the study anticipates that the necessity of a collective security system that will replace the current security system of the region would arise. Still, although some issues between countries should be overcome, the growing intensity of the threats will promote cooperation among countries by improving their confidence.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.114-139
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• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.125-174
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the status of naval arms race in Northeast Asia. To this end, the scope of the research was limited to national security strategies, maritime strategies and naval strengthening of the United States, China, Russia and Japan. The major powers' active maritime strategies and naval arms race give some strategic implications to the Republic of Korea Navy as follows. First, China and Japan, unlike the past, are actively using submarines in offshore waters including the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the ROK Navy must successfully promote the Jangbogo-III-class submarine, which is currently constructed, and get a nuclear-powered submarine and P-8 MPA capable of long-range and long-time operations to enhance ASW capability. Second, North Korea's current building submarines capable of loading SLBMs and SLBMs are a new threat to the ROK Navy. The current building KAMD, which focuses on terminal phase defense, cannot effectively respond to North Korea's SLBMs and should be converted to a multi-layered defense system including SM-3 at a mid-course phase. Third, as China militarizes the South China Sea, the instability of the South China Sea is growing. Therefore, the ROK Navy should strengthen its maritime cooperation with the regional countries such as Japan and ASEAN navies to protect SLOC. In conclusion, the ROK Navy needs to build a strong naval power to keep in mind that the 21st century naval rivalry in Northeast Asia is accelerating. The navy must do one's best to protect national strategic and vital interests by strengthening cooperation with regional countries. South Korea is also accelerating its defense reforms in accordance with the pattern of future warfare and the ROK Navy do one's best to have a balanced naval capability capable of actively operating in the offshore waters.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.15-29
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• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to explore how the Confucius Institute Chinese international promotion could better promote the development of China's foreign trade, by analyzing the distribution of the Confucius Institute worldwide, based on the theory of language economics, using SWOT analysis to analyze the advantages and disadvantages of the internal environment, opportunities and challenges of the external environment of Chinese international promotion of Confucius Institute. The following findings were gathered: as a language teaching institution and information exchange platform, Confucius Institute has the ability to share trade information and increase trade opportunities; to improve cultural identity and reduce transaction costs; to promote cultural communication and integration, and drive the development of related industries. The internal disadvantages were mainly reflected in the mismatch between the global regional distribution structure of Confucius Institutes, and the economic and trade structure, such as, the asymmetry between language, culture output, and demand. In addition, the management mechanism was not perfect. External opportunities were mainly new opportunities brought by economic globalization, cultural diversity, and the development of the Belt and Road initiative. External challenges were mainly influenced by the China threat theory and the fierce cultural competition among countries. The corresponding countermeasures were put forward based on the advantages of the platform and grasping the external opportunities: improving the quality of operation and speeding up the localization process; respecting cultural differences and realizing cultural common learning; seeking multilateral cooperation and enhancing the capacity for independent development.

• Parasites, Hosts and Diseases
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.615-618
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• 2018

Members of genus Acanthamoeba are widely distributed in the environment. Some are pathogenic and cause keratitis and fatal granulomatous amoebic encephalitis. In this study, we isolated an Acanthamoeba CJW/W1 strain from tap water in Wuxi, Jiangsu Province, China. Its 18S rDNA was sequenced and a phylogenetic tree was constructed. The isolated cysts belonged to morphologic group II. Comparison of 18S rDNA sequences of CJW/W1 strain and other isolates showed high similarity (99.7%) to a clinical isolate Asp, KA/E28. A phylogeny analysis confirmed this isolate belonged to the pathogenic genotype T4, the most common strain associated with Acanthamoeba-related diseases. This is the first report of an Acanthamoeba strain isolated from tap water in Wuxi, China. Acanthamoeba could be a public health threat to the contact lens wearers and, therefore, its prevalence should be monitored.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• v.6 no.10
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• pp.2750-2763
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• 2012

The Domain Name System (DNS) is a critical Internet infrastructure that provides name to address mapping services. In the past decade, Denial-of-Service (DoS) attacks have targeted the DNS infrastructure and threaten to disrupt this critical service. While the flooding DoS attacks may be alleviated by the DNS caching mechanism, we show in this paper that flooding DoS attacks utilizing name error queries is capable of bypassing the cache of resolvers and thereby impose overwhelming flooding attacks on the name servers. We analyze the impacts of such DoS attacks on both name servers and resolvers, which are further illustrated by May 19 China's DNS Collapse. We also propose the detection and defense approaches for protecting DNS servers from such DoS attacks. In the proposal, the victim zones and attacking clients are detected through monitoring the number of corresponding responses maintained in the negative cache. And the attacking queries can be mitigated by the resolvers with a sample proportion adaptive to the percent of queries for the existent domain names. We assess risks of the DoS attacks by experimental results. Measurements on the request rate of DNS name server show that this kind of attacks poses a substantial threat to the current DNS service.