• Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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• v.53 no.12
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• pp.1071-1079
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• 2020

For integrated water management, it is essential to secure basic data such as the amount of agricultural water intake. The river water intake through the intake weir is carried out through the agricultural irrigation canal, and a method for measuring the quantity of water intake is required to suit the characteristics of the measuring points. In this study, the accuracy of the calculated flow data was determined by applying a microwave water surface current meter. The microwave water surface current meter is a method of calculating surface velocity using doppler effect, which is mainly used in high-velocities situations such as flood. Surface velocity is difficult to represent the average velocity of the entire section at low dicharges or high wind speeds, it is considered to be low in continuous utilization throughout the year, and it is necessary to verify whether the measurement using an microwave water surface curren meter is appropriate in agricultural irrigation canal. The data measured with an microwave water surface curren meter were compared with the actual flow data to calculate the intake data in agricultural irrigation canal. In agricultural irrigation canal, the low-level discharge calculated using an microwave water surface current meter at a minimum velocity of about 0.3 m/s and a minimum discharge of about 1.0 m3/s or higher was found to have a high tendency and accuracy compared to the standard discharge, especially when the high discharge was high. Although effective results can be obtained in terms of quantity at low discharge, it is deemed that subsequent studies are needed to calculate the average discharge of the cross section at low discharge, given that the trend of data is unstable. Through this study, it is suggested that it is appropriate to calculate the amount of water intake through the microwave water surface current meter in artificial waterways with a certain discharge or higher, so it is expected to be widely distributed as a method for measuring river water intake.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.78-103
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• 2020

Transcribed Buddhist sutras generally consist of a frontispiece illustration, sutra illustrations, and sutra text, although some parts may be lost over time. Most transcribed sutras originally include an official record of the transcription (saseonggi) at either the beginning or end of the volume, which document various details of the production, including who commissioned the sutra and when it was transcribed. If such records are unavailable or difficult to decipher, the date of the sutra can only be estimated by comparison to other works with known production dates. This is the case with Korean Treasure #978, the "Transcription of the Avatamsaka Sutra (Zhou Version) in Gold on White Paper" (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29"), which does not contain any details of its production. Based on formal comparisons, the volume has been estimated to date from the early Joseon period. Important criteria for estimating the production date include the type of calligraphy script and the overall expression of the sutra illustrations. However, these features are missing from some early Joseon sutras, making it difficult to definitively assert which characteristics are representative of the period. Also, transcribed sutras from the late Goryeo period (after 1350) and early Joseon period are often very similar in terms of the expression of the frontispiece illustrations and sutra illustrations. From the late Goryeo period through the early Joseon period, the illustrations of transcribed sutras, which had previously been relatively detailed and realistic, gradually became more formalized and stylized. Significantly, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 includes illustrations showing both styles of expression (i.e., realistic and formalized). Moreover, the hemp leaf design on the frontispiece and the border around the sutra illustrations are unique features that have never been seen on any other transcribed sutras. Notably, however, Avatamsaka Sutra in Gold on White Paper, Volume 26 (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26"), which has not yet been introduced in academic research, is complete with frontispiece, sutra illustrations, and sutra text. This sutra is identical to Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 in size, composition, and details, and is thus estimated to have been produced at the same time and by the same patrons. According to the record at the end of the volume, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 was commissioned in 1348 by Gi Cheol (d. 1365), which corresponds to the estimated date of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 derived by formal comparison. Based on this new information, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 was likely produced in the late Goryeo period rather than the early Joseon period, as has previously been presumed. The new study of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 also seems to confirm that both sutras were transcribed by highly skilled artisans in 1348 of the late Goryeo period, a transitional phase in the expression of sutra illustrations.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.154-175
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• 2020

Most Korean Buddhist paintings from the late Joseon period were produced through collaborative projects (bulsa) between clans of Buddhist monks and monk artists (hwaseung), in which the monk clans would select themes and iconography for works that would then be produced by the artists and their school. Thus, any attempt to understand the Buddhist paintings of this period must consider not only the stylistic characteristics of the monk artists, but also the conditions at the respective temple at the time of production. Applying this methodology, this paper examines the collaboration between the Buhyu monk clan and the monk artist Uigyeom and his fellow artists (hereinafter, the "Uigyeom School") that took place in Honam (湖南) and surrounding areas in the eighteenth century. In particular, the paper reveals the strong influence that the Buhyu clan exerted on paintings that the Uigyeom School produced in 1724 and 1725 at Songgwangsa Temple, the clan's main temple. Following the paintings for Songgwangsa Temple, the Uigyeom School actively participated in similar projects at regional temples under the auspices of the Buhyu clan in Honam, Hoseo (湖西), and Yeongnam (嶺南). Consequently, the Buhyu clan granted Uigyeom several honorable titles-including "Hoseon" (毫仙), "Jonsuk" (尊宿), and "Daejeonggyeong" (大正經)-that were rarely conferred to a monk artist. Such acclaim helped Uigyeom's style of Buddhist painting to become widespread throughout the three southern provinces of Korea. The paintings for Songgwangsa Temple exemplify how the Buhyu clan and Uigyeom School collaborated to visualize the thoughts and philosophies of the Buhyu clan. For the Uigyeom School, this project served as the foundation for building the reputation and esteem of Uigyeom, who became one of the most esteemed and influential monk artists of the late Joseon period. As such, the paintings created for Songgwangsa Temple in 1724 and 1725 have great significance not only for Korean Buddhism, but also for art history in general.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Clinical Toxicology
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.57-65
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• 2020

Purpose: Since 2012, acetaminophen can be accessed easily not only at pharmacies but also at convenience stores. The relationship between the easy access of acetaminophen and the risk of poisoning has been controversial. Several studies also reported different results regarding the risk of acetaminophen poisoning after access to acetaminophen was relaxed. This study examined the long-term effects on the risk of acetaminophen poisoning after easy access to acetaminophen was implemented. Methods: This was a retrospective analysis of an emergency department (ED)-based in-depth Injury Surveillance Cohort by the Korea Center for Disease Control and prevention from 2011 to 2018. Poisoning cases were selected from the Cohort, and the incidence of acetaminophen poisoning and the characteristics of the cases of acetaminophen poisoning were analyzed. The purchase path and the amount of ingestion in acetaminophen poisoning were sub-analyzed from data of six EDs. Results: Of 57,326 poisoning cases, 4.0% (2,272 cases) were acetaminophen poisoning. Of 2,272 cases of acetaminophen poisoning, 42.8% (974 cases) required in-patient care after ED management. Two hundred and sixty-four of these 964 cases required intensive care. The rates of cases that required in-patient treatment and the rates of cases that required intensive care increased from 29.4% in 2011 to 48.1% in 2018, and from 3.1% in 2011 to 15.2% in 2018, respectively (p<0.001, p<0.001). In the poisoning group with in-depth toxic surveillance (n=15,908), the incidence and proportion of acetaminophen (AAP) poisoning increased from 55 cases per year to 187 cases per year and 4.9% to 6.1%, respectively (p=0.009, p<0.001, respectively). The most common age group of acetaminophen poisoning was teenagers, which is different from the most common age group of other pharmaceutical agents: the middle age group of 40-49 years (p<0.001). Of 15,908 in-depth toxic surveillance patients, 693 patients had AAP poisoning, of whom 377 cases (54.2%) purchased acetaminophen from a non-pharmacy. The proportions of the purchase path from non-pharmacy were 41.4% at 2011-12 and 56.4% (2013-18) (p=0.004). The amount of acetaminophen ingestion was 13.5±14.3 g at 2011-12 and 13.9±15.1 g at 2013-18 (p=0.794). Conclusion: Although the incidence of acetaminophen poisoning did not increase remarkably in the short term after the implementation of the new regulation, the incidence of acetaminophen poisoning has increased slightly during the study period of 2017-18. In addition, the proportion of the purchase path from non-pharmacies has increased since the emergence of new regulations for the easy access of acetaminophen in 2012. The incidence of acetaminophen poisoning might have been affected after the increasing accessibility of acetaminophen in convenience stores. Continuous control of acetaminophen poisoning is required. Furthermore, the prevention of acetaminophen poisoning should be focused on teenagers with specialized school education programs.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.414-429
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• 2020

For the management of rivers, the target water quality is set by establishing the total amount of water pollution and water environment basic plan. For Geumho river T-P has achieved the target water quality, but for BOD, COD, TOC the target water quality of the water environment basic plan has been exceed for the past five years. Therefore, the flow rate for satisfying the target water quality was simulated by analyzing the load, load density, and pollution contribution rate of the Geumho river using BOD, COD, TOC and by utilizing QUAL-MEV a one-dimensional water quality model. According to the analysis of the load, the BOD, COD and TOC all showed the highest levels at the Geumho C point at 9,832.2 kg/day 20,656.6 kg/day, and 15,545.1 kg/day. The load density was highest at 9.47 kg/day/㎢, 37.55 kg/day/㎢, 30.20 kg/day/㎢, and 17.19 kg/day/㎢, 39.14 kg/day/㎢ in Dalseocheon stream during the wet seasons and dry seasons. Pollution contribution rate was highest at about 25 percent for Palgeocheon stream during the wet season and about 50 percent for Dalseocheon stream during the dry season. In addition, the correlation analysis between organic materials showed in the main stream and tributaty of the Geumho river that COD-TOC was 0.8 or higherthan BOD-COD and BOD-TOC in both the wet seasons and dry seasons. And after surveying the total amount of water pollution and the target quality of the water environment basic plan at Geumho C, it was analyzed that an additional flow tate of 14 times and 22 times was needed as of April 2019 (3.46 ㎥/sec).

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.277-291
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• 2021

Purpose: This study was undertaken to identify the alcohol drinking status of industrial workers, their health care practice, and dietary behavior, as well as their nutrient intake. Methods: In July 2019, 220 male subjects working in the Chungnam area were enrolled in the study. Their alcohol drinking status was evaluated by applying the Alcohol Use Disorder Identification-K (AUDIT-K) system. Demographic characteristics, status of health care practice, and dietary behaviors were assessed using a self-administered questionnaire; nutrient intakes were analyzed using 24-hour recalls. Data were analyzed by applying χ²-test, ANOVA, Duncan test, and Pearson's correlation analysis with SPSS v. 25.0. Results: Workers were classified by their alcohol drinking status as 'normal' (84, 38.2%), 'problem drinker' (45, 20.5%), 'alcohol dependence I' (60, 27.3%), and 'alcohol dependence II' (31, 16.0%). The alcohol drinking status showed significant differences with age (p < 0.05), monthly income (p < 0.05), smoking status (p < 0.05), and need for weight control (p < 0.05). Moreover, increased alcohol intake resulted in significantly decreased levels of health care practice and dietary behaviors (p < 0.05, p < 0.01, respectively). The energy intake was highest in the 'alcohol dependence I' group, followed by 'alcohol dependence II', 'problem drinker', and 'normal drinker' (p < 0.05). Intakes of vitamin E, vitamin C, and niacin in the 'alcohol dependence I' group were found to be higher than the other groups (p < 0.05). A negative correlation was obtained between alcohol drinking status, health care practice, and dietary behaviors, whereas a positive correlation was determined between alcohol drinking status, energy and water intakes. Conclusion: Considering these results, we conclude the necessity to consider nutritional and alcoholic education programs for improving the quality of work life of industrial workers, based on their alcohol drinking status.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.78-97
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• 2021

Seojangdaeyajodo is a drawing of military night training on February 12th (lunar leap month), 1795. Focusing on the Seojangdaeyajodo, the characteristics and of the costumes worn by various types of officials were examined. There were 34 officials located near King Jeongjo in and around Seojangdae, with 27 Dangsanggwan and 7 Danghagwan. They wore three types of costumes, including armor, yungbok, and military uniforms. All of the twelve armor wearers and the five officials wearing yungbok were dangsanggwan, and the military uniform wearers included eleven dangsanggwan and six danghagwan. For the shape of the armor, the armor relics of General Yeoban, suitable for riding horses, and the armor painting of Muyedobotongji were referenced, and the composition of the armor was based on practicality. The armor consists of a helmet, a suit of armor, a neck guard, armpit guards, arm guards, and a crotch guard. The color of the armor was red and green, which are the most frequently used colors in Seojangdaeyajodo. The composition of yungbok was jurip, navy cheollik, red gwangdahoe, socks made of leather, and suhwaja. The composition of the military uniform was a lined jeolrip, dongdari, jeonbok, yodae, jeondae, and suhwaja. There were differences in the fabrics used in dangsanggwan and danghagwan military uniforms. Dangsanggwan used fabric with depictions of clouds and jewels, and danghagwan used unpatterned fabric. Moreover, jade, gold, and silver were used for detailed ornamental materials in dangsanggwan. The weapons included bows and a bow case, a sword, a rattan stick, wrist straps, and a ggakji. In the records of the King Jeongjo period, various colored heopsu were mentioned; the colors of the dongdari and jeonbok of dangsanggwan and danghagwan were referenced in various colors. It was presented as an illustration of costumes that could be used to produce objects accurately reflecting the above historical results. The basic principle of the illustration was to present the modeling standards for 3D content production. Samples of form, color, and material of the corresponding times and statuses were presented. The front, the side, and the back of each costume and its accessories were presented, and the colors were presented in RGB and CMYK.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.134-146
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• 2011

Gyeokgu is a group ball game transmitted into the Joseon Dynasty period as acquiring a great vogue among the royal palace and people in Goryeo Dynasty after being introduced into the country from China. This research aimed through historical investigation to look into the form in which the Goryeo dynasty's kings enjoyed Gyeokgu game, and the historical-spatial signification and the locational characteristics of Gujeong(the ground where play Gyeokgu) which is the courtyard where Gyeokgu game was held centering around the Goryeo dynasty's palace where Gyeokgu was prosperous most. We researched and analyzed the data for research after extracting the records related to Gyeokgu from three historical data of the true records of the Goryeo Dynasty. Upon investigation, twelve among 34 kings of the past generations were concerned with Gyeokgu in Gyeokgu game participation form, and 46 times were recorded in historical records in total. In the participation form, kings participated personally in 9 times among 46 Gyeokgu games, and viewed games in case of 37 times. Among these kings, the 18th generation king Uijong was recorded most as 17 times(36.9%) in Gyeokgu records. Places where Gyeokgu were held were 25 places in total including royal palace, detached palace, Lu-jeong, Buddhist temple, private residences, markets and streets, other outside of the royal court and so on, and 46 time-Gyeokgu games in total were held in these places. 21 time(45.6%)-Gyeokgu games were held in only 5 detached place among these places. So, detached palace were used most for Gyeokgu games. In particular, Gyeokgu games were held most in Suchanggung palace and Jangwonjeong palace among these detached palaces, and all these things were recorded during the reign of King Uijong. Gyeokgu game which was prevalent by the end of the Goryeo Dynasty showed a progression to a national festival which kings, personally coming into streets or Jeoja(an archaic word for "market"), enjoyed with the crowd.