• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
• /
• v.7 no.2
• /
• pp.61-74
• /
• 2005

Wonsam, a type of korean women's gown in Choseon Dynasty, was used as a small ceremonial costume for queens, crown princesses and princesses and as a grand ceremonial costume for royal concubines and wives of high rank officials. It was also worn as a wedding dress for commoners. In the families of illustrious officials, it was also used as burial accessories or garments for the dead. In this context, Wonsam is a formal dress for the people's most important four ceremonies of coming-of-age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor worship. It is worth emphasizing the costume since it was widely and importantly used by all ranks of women, from royal families to commoners. Through the Wonsam of An-dong Kim Clan's, we can see what the society was like at the end of Choseon Dynasty. First, a status system that strictly divided costumes for each class, was, in many parts, broken down. Second, the highly wrought patterns and texture of fabrics of the Wonsam reveal that it was granted from Court, or, if woven by the Kim family, it is considered to be produced by the Court's craftsman or through technical transfer, considering that the weaving skills used are as good as those in Courts. Third, regarding the precise needlework that is uncomparable to textiles used by other illustrious officials families, the Wonsam is considered to be granted from Court or, produced through the needlework skills that were handed down from needlewomen in Courts. The Wonsam of An-dong Kim Clan's has noble beauty in it, with outstanding weaving skills, fabrics, needlework and shape. Thus, it is no exaggeration to say that it has those qualities to be the standard costume that inherits the tradition of Korean people.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
• /
• v.44 no.2 s.216
• /
• pp.49-59
• /
• 2006

Mourning culture has tended to be reduced to mere empty formalities with more simplified regulations. Changes in modern life style make it difficult to perform extended mourning ceremonies and the venues for mourning ceremony have shifted from private homes to chapels of rest in hospitals or Funeral Homes. Mourning clothing, the symbol of filial duty, has gradually been changed in shape. The study purposes were to research in the shapes of modern mourning clothing through field study on mourning clothing manufacturers and to compare traditional mourning clothing with the modern varieties through the actual making of traditional male mourning clothing based on old regulations. The study of mourning clothing through actual making prevents transformation and provides practical research data. The study methods were inquiry into old documents, field study, and actual clothing making. The study results are as follows. First, in terms of shape, traditional and modern mourning clothing are different in Garyeong, Lim and Daehacheok of Choiui. In case of Choisang, traditional clothing has one central plait in its front and rear sides while modern clothing one has 3 single plaits in each side. Second, in terms of sewing, traditional mourning clothing leaves an exterior margin to sew up in Choiui and an internal one in Choisang. However, modern mourning clothing has various types of sewing and plaits depending on the manufacturers and all sewing is done by machine. Third, in terms of material, traditional mourning clothing is made of Korean hemp and features narrow width, while modern clothing is made of Chinese hemp and features broad width.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.349-371
• /
• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.43-59
• /
• 2008

Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.21-40
• /
• 1980

In order to take cue of the dying persons and their survivors in a more positive and affirmative atti-tube. and to understand the valuable meaning of and dying. a survey was performed to 550 cases of health care personnels including 116 nursing students. 238 medical students. 137 nurses. and 59 doctors. Samplings were made through census Procedure from the entire group of medical and nursing students in College of Medicine. Chung-Ang University. and of licenced nurses and doctors in Chung-Ang University Hospital. and in Han-Gang Sacred Heart Hospital from the first to the end of march. 1980. These collected data were computerized at KIST by SPSS programming and were statistically analyzed by chi-square test. Through content analysis of the word associated with death and descriptive analysis of the death-re-lated variables. the following conclusion in is reached. First. Total numbers of death-word percieved by health care personnels were 198 kinds. Among them, 40 kinds of words associated with death were responded from than 1% of the total. As to the 10 death related word responded by free word association method. it was revealed that individual average number of death related word was 7.70 word. which came from higher number of words in the senior students (8.96 word) or the graduates (8.10 word) compared with the freshman (6.84 word). Second. In Content specific analysis of the death related word. more frequently perceived types summarized as the following order; the affective context of death. the diseases. the disasters. the religion, the funeral ceremonies. the separation, the drakness. and the life. Third. The most prevalent 10 words associated with death which the the respondents gave response to the the first recalling word. were as following o order； the dieases. the sadness, the vanity. the darkness, the frustration. the suicide. the incurable dieases, the graves. the dead. and the catastrophes. By sex, the diease is outstanding in females, but the vanity is in males. By occupation. the vanity and the dead was frequently observed in student group including senior students. while the incurable dieases presented by doctors. Fourth. In health care personnels. the first perceived ages of death were 11.47 $\pm$3.33 years (8.14- 15.80 years). Among them. senior students were inclined to percept death at the earliest age of life (11.28years). while doctors and nurses perceived death later in their life (12.98 years). Fifth, It is revealed in this survey that the most frequently responded death perceiving motives by health care personnels ar“psychological conflict”and“death of those around them”. Death perceiving motives can be classified in two factors; personality and life circumstances. Sixth It is of interest that only 11.3% health care personnels was found to feel death as inevitable or acceptable event. whereas 58.3% deny or reject it.

• Archives of design research
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.149-159
• /
• 1999

It is already a well-known fact, that Korean attend the funeral ceremonies with their courteous etiquette being derived from their customs succeeded from the old ancient times to the contemporary one, regarding it as of great importance. Especially in the age of Lee Dynasty, the etiquette has been a way of Confucian ideas, which has exerted a harmful influences to Korean society due to the reflection of the dutiful conciousness to the tomb customs, and that the change of the burial site and its construction works became more and more serious and excessive. In the meantime, the population has been increased according to the development of the modern industrialization and the number of the dead has also been increased, which caused the issue on the effective use of the limited national land relating to the tomb culture, as the passing of the time. Consequently, in this study on the design of the charnel house, three aspects, humane aspect pursuing the human value, like naturalism or equalitarianism, circumstancial aspect presenting minimum space and convenient space, and formative aspect expressing convenient space, and formative aspect expressing convenient charnel function, unique form and symbolism, have been considered, in order that the tomb space could be transferred to the place for the meditation looking back the meaning of the life, or the place for the comfort. Above all, the special emphasis has been put on the creation of the tomb culture, harmonizing relaxation, exercise and refinement in everyone's life. And in order to realize it, the special interest and investment should be directed not only to the materialistic culture caused from the whole hearted devotion to the development for advancing society, but to the related parts to the value of the life or spiritual culture, such a sideology, culture or environment etc., which would be led to the entrance to the real advaced country members.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.41 no.1
• /
• pp.57-78
• /
• 2008

According to the previous studies about Shilla's cremate grave, in the process of importing the cremate grave, there has been correlation with Chinese Buddhism, and there have been a lot of mentions about the change of the grave, Yinwha(Stamp) patterns and its existence, and about the characteristics of the vessels to contain the bones. The cremate grave is categorized into two-parts type and mono-type, depending on the dead person. The cremate graves that are in local areas such as Wang-Gyeong, show difference in types. The typical vessel to contain the bones, called "Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho" is again proved to have existed from A.D 8c. ~ A.D 9c., judging from the Yinwha pattern stamp's existence. Yet, the Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho from 9th century used the patternless pottery, also seen from the Won-wha 10 yeon-myeong cremate grave. Due to the prosperity of Buddhism, when the "Mukuchonggwang Taranikyong(Sutra)", translated into Han language in 704 at Dang, was imported into Shilla, the funeral ceremonies of Shilla people changed from making cremate graves with vessels or scattering the bones in oceans, into building stupas in temples with hopes and wishes to bring oneself and family's fortune and the next life of the dead. As a result, the meaning of "Grave" disappeared for the cremate graves, and rather the ceremony changed into scattering bones and wishing fortunes for the dead person. In other words, the ancestor-worship ceremony which was focused on the tomb changed into commemorating the ancestors and wishing individual fortunes by the religious assembly in temples and the building process of stupas. In conclusion, this social change was the cause of the extinction of stone chamber with tunnel entrance and the tombs such as cremate grave.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.16
• /
• pp.221-229
• /
• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.2
• /
• pp.66-79
• /
• 2022

In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5^th century to the early 6^th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.119-129
• /
• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.