• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.189-228
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• 2014

The purpose of this research was to summarize Korea and China's researches on Noh and to examine main domain in this field, by investigating the academic books and articles published in two countries. In 1960s, since Nohgaku has been introduced to China, academic articles on Zeami's theories and aesthetics have emphasized on aesthetic characteristics of Chinese plays and Japanese Nohgaku through the similarities of oriental plays. The number of researches on Kabuki is almost twice as that of researches on Noh in China. While most researches on Kabuki were compared with the styles and music of Pecking Opera and the theatrical theories of liyu[李漁], those on Noh has been highlighted the comparative studies on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$[謠曲], Chinese Noh plays. The main difference among the researches on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ in Korea and China was the material regarding characters of Noh. Because song yuanzaju[宋 元雜劇]and Nohgaku in Chinese-Japanese plays were the mature form of the classic plays and those were representative of traditional nation plays, this researches tried to ascertain the cultural origins of two countries regarding the aesthetic characteristics by referencing lyrical and narrative features[曲詞] of yuanzaju[元雜劇]and the classic waka of Nohgaku. While the comparative studies on Noh and song yuanzaju and kunqu[昆劇] in China were prevalent, national researches have emphasized on the inner world of the main character and dramaturgy through the verbal description of Noh. Especially, this research tried to investigate the inner world of the main character and the intention of the writers through the verbal description of Noh authorized in the history of the works. Also, the researches on Buddhism in the Middle Ages and religious background were examined significantly. In addition, the $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ has influenced on European modern playwrights and the comparative studies between the materials of $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ and Western modern plays were concerned. In Korea, the comparative studies on Noh between Korea abd Japan has been most focused on the origin theory of Noh. The fact that appearance theory of Noh had originated from Sangaku was common opinion among Korean, Chinese, and Japanese scholars. However, they are agree with the opinion that according to the formation of the different genres, Noh's mainstream was different among three countries despite of the same origin. Yuan drama and Noh play have the same origin, but different branch. In relation to the Noh's origin theory, there are literature comparative studies in religious background, the studies presumed the origin of instrumental music related to those in mask plays, and the comparative studies between Korean mask plays and $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ of Nohgaku. Kyogen is the Comedy inserted among the stories in Nohgaku performed in just one day. Therefore, $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ must be discussed separately from the relations of 'shite[任手]'s inner action veiled with masks. This research figured out that the lacking points of the two countries' researches were the acting methods of Noh. Academic articles written by foreign scholars studying Korean and Chinese theatres should be included when this issue will be dealt with. In Korea and China, translation studies and writings regarding Nohgaku have studied by those who are major in Japanese literature or oriental literature. This case is the same in Korea in that scholars whose speciality is not theatre, but Japanese literature has studied. Therefore, this present study can give a good grasp of whole tendency on Nohgaku's research in theatre fields.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.40-59
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• 2010

Anssolim is the unique technique which standing columns lean in a inward direction of buildings in traditional architecture, which has not been thoroughly investigated to this day. With a dearth of previous studies, the anssolim technique can only be examined through detailed three-dimensional surveys. The main halls of Korean palaces can be seen as buildings that were built with the regulations of the day in mind, making them excellent research subjects when studying the anssolim technique. The findings can be summarized as follows. 1. In the main halls that were studied, anssolim was applied most to main space (eokan) columns, then lessened for peripheral columns. 2. The largest second-floor cheoma columns were placed inward in the eokan, then became smaller as with the peripheral columns. In the case of the eokan, the columns were arranged according to the size of the anssolim. 3. The second-floor cheoma column anssolim in the middle-floor main hall were generally a third or a quarter of the size of those on the first floor. As on the first floor, the largest anssolim were applied to the eokan columns, then became gradually smaller towards the periphery columns. 4. In the palace main halls, the largest anssolim were used for the eokan columns, and became smaller with the peripheral columns. This unique structure can be seen to be a Korean technique that deviates from the Chinese "Yingzaofashi(營造法式)" techniques. Although this study is limited in that it only studies the main hall of Korean palaces, it is significant in that it shed new light on the technological implications of the anssolim technique, and can be used as important data for research into the history of technology. Although this type of data is difficult to extrapolate, it has been made as accurate as possible by minimizing the margin of error in the data for the palaces that were actually studied.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.94-113
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• 2013

Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] is the shrine for General Guan Yu from the Shu Dynasty, China. This type of shrine was begun to be built from the Tang Dynasty in China and from 1598 in Korea when the Japanese invaded Korea for the $2^{nd}$ time. Donggwanwangmyo is historically significant because it was jointly constructed by China and Korea in the spring of 1602 after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea. However, almost no research has been conducted about the sculptures standing at Donggwanwangmyo and there are many mistakes concerning the names and materials of these sculptures. This study is conducted to resolve these issues as follows: First of all, it was found that the main building of Donggwanwangmyo enshrines those which were moved from the North Shrine of Guan Yu and the West Shrine of Guan Yu during the Japanese colonial rule of Korea in addition to what was initially placed in Donggwanwangmyo during construction. These relics are assorted and each line of them is displayed in the center and to the east or west of the building. Among the relics, seven sculptures are standing at the center of the main building, among which one sculpture of Guan Yu is made of gold and two sculptures of maids and four sculptures of guards are made of clay. It is particularly noted that the sculptures of Guan Yu and his guards, Guan Ping, Zhou Cang, Wang Fu, and Zhao Lei, represent the portraits of historical characters that actually existed. Moreover, the sculptures of guards are characterized by the fact that they are unlike those in China, but have two pairs of literary men and warriors that stand facing each other as is the case in the royal mausoleums constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Second of all, the sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were carved in 1602, but their costumes and equipment were derived from the paintings from the Tang and Song Dynasties. Some decorations from the Ming Dynasty are also reflected in the sculptures. It implies that Donggwanwangmyo was partially modeled after the Shrine of Emperor Guan Yu[Gwanjemyo] in Jiezhou which was rebuilt in 1593 by Emperor Sinjong of the Ming Dynasty and that the secular and dramatic patterns of the Qing Dynasty are prevalent in the said sculptures based on the patterns of the Ming Dynasty because all the sculptures at the Shrine in Jiezhou were constructed when the Qing Dynasty ruled between the $18^{th}$ and the $19^{th}$ Centuries. In conclusion, it was found that sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were created in 1602, that they follow the ancient traditions attested by the paintings of Korean and Chinese sculptures, and that they are very valuable in art history since they retain the original forms of the Shrine of Guan Yu built during the Joseon and Ming Dynasties.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.134-149
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• 2013

The Sudang-ri Site in Geumsan is considered the historic site where Baekje dominated the inland traffic route to Gaya through Geumsan and Jinan in the 5th Century. This study identified the production techniques of iron by conducting an analysis of metallographical microstructure of the artifacts such as an iron sword and an iron sickle that were excavated in Sudang-ri Site, Geumsan, one of the regions ruled by Baekje, and tried to figure out the characteristics and the technical systems of Baekje's ironmaking around the 5th Century by comparing them with other iron artifacts produced around the same time. The analysis showed that various production techniques were applied to the artifacts excavated in Sudang-ri Site, Geumsan. Depending on the production techniques, they can be divided largely into three methods: the simple shape-forging method, the steel manufacture method after forging, and the steel manufacture & heat-treatment method after forging. The iron sickle from the stone chamber tomb No. 1, which was produced only through forging, is mostly composed of soft ferrite at both edges of the blade and at the rear making the use of the weapon impractical. From this fact, it is presumed that they were produced as burial objects or ceremonial accessories for the person buried. The iron axe from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 1 and the iron swords and sickle from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 12, which were produced through the steel manufacture method after forging such as carburizing, did not go through the heat treatment such as quenching, but applied different production processes to each part. Therefore, it is deemed that they were produced as daily tools for cultivation rather than burial objects or ceremonial accessories. The production techniques following the forging process - carburizing and heat treatment - can be found on the iron swords from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 5 and the outer stone coffin tomb No. 12. The sturdy structure of the blade part and the durable structure of the rear processed with heat are deemed to have been produced as weaponry and used by the person buried. Based on the analysis of the iron artifacts excavated from Sudang-ri Site in Geumsan, the characteristics of iron production techniques were investigated by comparing them with the artifacts from Yongwon-ri Site in Cheonan, Bongseon-ri Site in Seocheon, and Bujang-ri Site in Seosan that were made around the same time as the cluster of Baekje tombs examined by the metallographical microstructure analysis of this study. For the iron artifacts analyzed here, the changes in the techniques were investigated using the iron swords common in all of the tombs. In the case of the iron swords, it was identified the heat treatment technique called tempering was applied from the 4th Century.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Korean small business review
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.69-102
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• 2020

Shedding new light on the research trend on entrepreneurial ecosystems in the 40-year history of the Asia Pacific Journal of Small Business, this study aims at exploring a potential measurement framework of ecological inputs and outputs in an entrepreneurial ecosystem that promotes entrepreneurship at geographical and spatial levels. As a result of the analysis of research on the entrepreneurial ecosystem in the journal, we found that prior studies emphasized the managerial importance of various ecological factors on the premise of possible causalities between the factors and entrepreneurship. However, empirical research to verify the premised causality has been underexplored yet. This literature gap may lead to unbalanced development of conceptual and case studies that identify requirements for successful entrepreneurial ecosystems based on experiential facts, thereby hindering the generalization of the research results for practical implications. In that there is a growing interest in creating and operating productive entrepreneurial ecosystems as an innovation engine that drives national and regional economic growth, it is necessary to explore and develop the measurement framework for ecological factors that can be used in future empirical research. Hereupon, we apply a conceptual model of 'input-output-outcome-impact' to categorize individual environmental factors identified in prior studies. Based on the model. We operationalize ecological input factors as the financial, intellectual, institutional, and social capitals, and ecological output factors as the establishment-based, innovation-based, and performance-based entrepreneurship. Also, we propose several longitudinal databases that future empirical research can use in analyzing the potential causality between the ecological input and output factors. The proposed framework of entrepreneurial ecosystems, which focuses on measuring ecological input and output factors, has a high application value for future research that analyzes the causality.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.87-102
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to develop regional dance contents in order to receive attention from the region and re-illuminate the peacock fan, the intangible cultural property of Seocheon, Chungnam, which has been preserved in history and has been preserved in the face of rapid urbanization and modernization. The representative four series are composed of one-person dance, two-person dance, military dance, and creative dance. The titles of each piece are basic dance , male and female love dance , military dance , and finally Korean creative dance . The commonality of the four series is the traditional dance using peacock fan, and each dance showed unique emotion and atmosphere through different themes and music, costumes, and stages. It was found that the development of regional dance contents re-created reflecting the characteristics of regional cultural heritage should create an environment that can be steadily revitalized through modernization. Through this study, it was found that the intangible cultural properties, which are our traditional cultural resources, have unlimited potential to contribute to enhancing regional and national competitiveness along with the growth potential of regional differentiation. Through such research, if existing cultural resources are preserved for globalization and produced as contents that can be easily accessed by the public, various contents besides regional dance using regional unique culture can be developed and utilized.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.34-43
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• 2022

This study compared the characteristics of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam, which have developed in the relationship of mutual geopolitical and cultural influence in history, and the following conclusions were made. First, the definition of cultural heritage in China and Vietnam has similar meanings in both countries. In the case of cultural heritage classification, both countries introduced the legal concept of intangible cultural heritage through UNESCO, and have similarities in terms of intangible cultural heritage. Second, while China has separate laws for managing tangible and intangible cultural heritages, Vietnam integrally manages the two types of cultural heritages under a single law. Vietnam has a slower introduction of the concept of cultural heritage than China, but it shows high integration in terms of system. Third, cultural heritages in both China and Vietnam are graded, which is applied differently depending on the type of heritage. The designation method has a similarity in which the two countries have a vertical structure and pass through steps. By restoring the value of heritage and complementing integrity through such a step-by-step review, balanced development across the country is being sought through tourism to enjoy heritage and create economic effects. Fourth, it was confirmed that the cultural heritage management organization has a central government management agency in both countries, but in China, the authority of local governments is higher than that of Vietnam. In addition, unlike Vietnam, where tangible and intangible cultural heritage are managed by an integrated institution, China had a separate institution in charge of intangible cultural heritage. Fifth, China is establishing a conservation management policy focusing on sustainability that harmonizes the protection and utilization of heritage. Vietnam is making efforts to integrate the contents and spirit of the agreement into laws, programs, and projects related to cultural heritage, especially intangible heritage and economic and social as a whole. However, it is still dependent on the influence of international organizations. Sixth, China and Vietnam are now paying attention to intangible heritage recently introduced, breaking away from the cultural heritage protection policy centered on tangible heritage. In addition, they aim to unite the people through cultural heritage and achieve the nation's unified policy goals. The two countries need to use intangible heritage as an efficient means of preserving local communities or regions. A cultural heritage preservation network should be established for each subject that can integrate the components of intangible heritage into one unit to lay the foundation for the enjoyment of the people. This study has limitations as a research stage comparing the cultural heritage system and preservation management status in China and Vietnam, and the characteristic comparison of cultural heritage policies by type remains a future research task.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.52-76
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• 2023

This article focuses on changes in the ginseng industry in the 1930s in areas other than the Government Contract Cultivation (GCC) zones. A major characteristic of the ginseng industry in the 1930s was the rapid increase in the area covered by ginseng gardens: the area was about 212 ha in 1929 and 252 ha in 1930 and 1931 but soared to around 441 ha in 1938. This occurred because the non-GCC areas increased significantly during this period. Until the early 1930s, the ratio of GCC to non-GCC areas was 70:30. By the late 1930s, however, the ratio had changed to 53:47. The reason for this change was that the area of the newly established ginseng gardens in the GCC zones had decreased, while that of the non-GCC ginseng gardens had steadily increased. Due to the Japanese invasion of China, China boycotted red ginseng, and exports were sluggish, so the GCC areas were reduced. On the other hand, the non-GCC ginseng gardens were not affected, and the area they covered steadily increased. As a result, in the 1930s, the ginseng industry outside of the GCC areas grew rapidly. The region that led the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zone was Jeonbuk. By the late 1930s, Jeonbuk dominated the other provinces and accounted for more than 50% of the non-GCC farming zone. Gyeongbuk and Gangwon-do followed Jeonbuk in terms of ginseng cultivation areas. While Gyeonggi-do, Gyeongnam, and Chungbuk were also active in ginseng cultivation, Jeonnam and Chungnam were not active. In the 1930s, the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zones was driven by the efforts of ginseng farmers and the support of local governments. An examination of Yecheon-gun in Gyeongbuk, Ganghwa-gun in Gyeonggi, and Jecheon-gun in Chungcheongbuk-do showed that ginseng farmers organized cooperatives as the ginseng industry steadily developed in these regions, and these cooperatives worked systematically to cultivate and sell ginseng. In the case of Ganghwa-gun, activities were carried out to incorporate the GCC zone. The Deoksan Ginseng Association in Jecheon-gun determined that financing for cultivation was key and requested subsidies from the provincial government. Administrative authorities also supported the activities of the ginseng farmers. The activities of the farmers and the support of the administrative authorities together led to the growth of the ginseng industry during this period.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.30
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• pp.235-270
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• 2018

The term, Degree Number, was religiously re-interpreted by Jeungsan (甑山) Kang Il-Sun (姜一淳, 1871~1909) and used by him to imply 'the principle of ruling the world.' It was especially the case that his usage of Degree Number referred to the new law that will rule during the Later World, and the significance of this was promoted during Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. And Jeongsan (鼎山) Jo Cheol-Je (趙哲濟, 1895~1958), who received a revelation from Jeungsan, established new religious movements including Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do and gave a broader meaning to the term Degree Number which he adopted from Jeungsan. He endowed it with the additional meaning of 'all the religious activities performed to achieve an ideal world.' In the history of Korean religions, Degree Number was newly interpreted by the religiously-gifted Jeungsan, who appeared at the end of the Joseon Dynasty. The lineage of religious thought related to Degree Numbers was constantly transmitted through Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do both of which were founded by Jeongsan Jo Cheol-Je. Later, Park Han-Gyeong (朴漢慶, 1917~1996) succeeded this lineage when he established Daesoon Jinrihoe in 1969. Religious thought related to Degree Numbers came from Jeungsan's self-realization that he was 'Sangje (the Supreme God).' The thought was also formed by his religious declaration wherein he changed the Degree Number of mutual contention in the Former World to that of mutual beneficence in the Later World. What Jeungsan emphasized was the fluidity of Degree Numbers. Just like human beings are never able to escape from the bonds of their destiny, in Jeungsan's thought, forced or ordained cosmic orders do not exist. In the outworn world of the past, which has been defined as the Former World, the Degree Number was recognized as the ordained law and norm, but as the Later World was coming, Jeungsan recalibrated the Degree Number and defined it anew through his own authority and power as the Supreme God. Jeongsan recalibrated many Degree Numbers throughout his life. The number of Degree Numbers which Jeungsan recalibrated is relatively fewer than that of Jeongsan, who inherited the thought of Jeungsan, and then went on to categorize almost every major religious activity he performed a Degree Number. In this context, Jeungsan's 'Degree Number' became expanded and broadened in terms of its scope.