• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.81-105
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• 2014

For a lack of books on tea ceremony, 'Dongdasong (東茶頌)' by Buddhist priest Choui occupies a prominent position. Along with 'Dabu (茶賦)' by Yi Mok (李穆: 1471~1498) and 'Gida (記茶)' by Yi Deok-ri (李德履: 1728~ ?), Dongdasong forms the three peaks of tea work. These books are all based on Tea Classic (茶經) by Ryukwoo (陸羽). Assuming that Tea Classic serves as introduction (起), Dabu is development (承), Gida for turn (轉) and Dongdasong for conclusion (結). Dongdasong is inextricable from Dasinjeon (茶神傳). Dasinjeon is the abstract of Jangwon's Darok (茶錄). The keyword of Dasinjeon is 'tea deity (茶神).' Extracting key concepts of Darok as his perspective, Choui established his own philosophy on tea ceremony. In the process of making into his philosophy, he reorganized the system by introducing the principle of 'subtle combination (妙合),' one of traditions in Korean thought, which is characterized by not separating spirit and material. It is 'subtle combination' that does not make a division between spirit and material, which are undeniably different things. Subtle combination is a relation of two things' being one and one thing's being two. Choui's philosophy on tea ceremony can be assessed as valuable inheritance from traditions of Korean thought.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of Biomedical Engineering Research
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.286-294
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• 2008

This work investigates the characteristics of brain interactions of experienced Zen-Buddhist practitioners by obtaining multichannel EEG (electroencephalogram) data. Brain interactions were compared among three phases-40-minute meditation (M), 5-minute Chakra-focusing practice (Z) and rest with closed eyes (R). The similarity index S, developed in nonlinear dynamical system theory, was employed to measure the degree of possibly asymmetric coupling. Meditators exhibited, overall, stronger interactions among multiple cortical areas in meditation stages M and Z than in the R state. This enhancement was greater in the M stage when the meditator was accompanied by a thought-free and fully consciousness state. In the high-frequency band (>13Hz), the interdependence was also higher in both meditation stages than at baseline rest. However, the interaction strength, especially in the posterior regions, was greatest in the Z stage, which involved internal attention. Few electrode pairs were observed with significant pair-wise asymmetry in the Z state. The similarity is a possible characteristic of dense reciprocal and strong mutual interactions between multiple cortical areas during meditation - especially in the Z state in the high-frequency band. These results demonstrate that profound Zen meditation induces various dynamic states in different phases of meditation, possibly reflected by nonlinear interdependence measure.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.103-125
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• 2021

This paper deals with figurative meanings of Haewon-sangsaeng. It is an investigation which is both semantic and diachronic. In the first part, important implications of sangsaeng (or xiangsheng in Chinese) in the context of correlative cosmology are extensively explored. Among others, saeng (in Chinese sheng) as a powerful metaphor and its related Chinese compounds are broadly discussed. In the second part, the evolution of ideas of yuan (or won in Korean) in Chinese history is explicated. Above all, in the traditional Chinese cultural milieu, wrongful treatments which make victims feel themselves aggrieved are socio-politically orientated. The Scripture on Great Peace (Taiping Jing) is used as reference point to elucidate the essential points of yuan and its knots. However, the advent of Buddhism in East Asia adds a new dimension to the understanding of yuan (won). Accumulated yuan as karmic bond thus gives a new identity of yuan as predetermined animosity. Widely recognized idioms like "adverse relatives and karmic debtors" and indigenous Chinese Buddhist rituals like Repentance Ritual of the Emperor Liang bear witness to this transformation of the meaning of yuan in East Asia. The fruitful yet correlated meanings of yuan also make the endeavor of untying yuan deeply significant and important to human society. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a religio-ethical ideal, brings out an amicable and harmonious relationship among myriad beings in the cosmos.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.77-98
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• 2022

Objectives : This paper intends to examine the essence of Joseon's cultivation techniques as written in the vast encyclopedia Imwon-gyeongje-ji. Methods : Items related to cultivation techniques in the Imwon-gyeongje-ji were brought together and analyzed through various cases that match the theme and structure of this paper, focusing on the relationship of Body-Environment-Society Results & Conclusions : Based on the contents of the Imwon-gyeongje-ji, it could be said that Seo Yu-gu consistently attempted to secure and improve health, well-being, and welfare in all levels of an individual's body, environment, and society while stating to have integrated Buddhist and Daoist methods based on Confucius cultivation. This thought is linked to the ideals of Zhongyong, one of the main scriptures of Confucianism, which could be summarized by the concept of the Heaven-Earth Cultivation. In specific, contents within the 16 treaties of the Imwon-gyeongje-ji such as the Boyang-ji, Inje-ji, Jeongjo-ji, Yewon-ji, Yiwun-ji, Yuye-ji, Yegyu-ji, etc., that could be categorized as personal, environmental and societal cultivation has great implications for people today in that it could lead us to an integrated path of cultivation through the inter-connection of body, environment, and society.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.99-124
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• 2005

The Korean Buddhism during the unified Silla era, was dominated by Huayen doctrine, which was developed by Uisang(義相) (625-702) and his disciples. During 8th century, many Korean monks visited China to study Chan Buddhism(禪). After they came back to Silla, they started to criticize Huayen philosophy as a doctrinal Buddhism (Jiao教). Their criticism depended on Chinese Chan Buddhist teachings. Korean Chan monk Sunji(順之), a 9th century, was different from other Chan monks in Silla who were trained in China. His teachings are found in the volume20 of "Zutangji"(祖堂集). Although it is based on Chan thought, it has many doctrinal explanations and interpretations. The conventional studies could not clearify the basis of his philosophy. As my research revealed, his teachings were based on the Huayen doctrine of Chinese Huayen monk Li Tongxuan(李通玄) who lived in 7th 8th century. One of his doctorine is "San shen yuan jung kwan"(三聖円融観). It means the unify of three Holies(三聖) Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那仏), Manjusri Bodhisattva(文殊菩薩), and Samantabhadra Bodhisattva(普賢菩薩). Monk Junshi used this theory in his teachings. As mentioned above, "Sunji Hwasan's teachings" included by the "Zutangji"(祖堂集) volume 20 is important as what offers a new viewpoint when exploring the relationship between the Chan and jiao in Silla in the 9th century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.48-65
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• 2022

Three Japanese Buddhist scuptures of Daehyusa temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do province(慶尙北道) are enshrined in the main hall(本堂) of Henjoin temple in Daegu, an annex temple built by the Chisan School(智山派) of Shingi Shingon sect(新義眞言宗) in Daegu around 1910 when the Japanese colonial period began. The following statues are believed to have been made around this time: the Statue of Kobo daishi(弘法大師像), which is the figure of monk Kukai(空海, 774-835), the founder of the Shingon sect(眞言宗) of Japan, and the Statue of Dainichi nyorai(大日如來像) and the Statue of Fudo myo-o(不動明王像), which are notable sculptures representing the thought and belief of the Shingon sect. Most statues identified of Dainichi nyorai, Kobo daishi, and Fudo myo-o from the Japanese colonial period thus far are rock-carved statues or stone statues. The statues of Daehyusa temple are noteworthy in that they are the first discovered Japanese Buddhist sculptures made of wood, known to have been enshrined in Japanese temples. Furthermore, they are valuable sources that can provide clues to the religious atmosphere of the temples of Chisan School of Shingi Shingon sect at the time. Although these statues have formative features that partially reflect modern aesthetics, their iconographic origins date back to the Heian period(平安時代, 794-1185). In other words, the Statue of Dainichi nyorai inherits the religious tradition of the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, which was created by monk Kakuban(覺鑁, 1095-1143), the founder of the Shingi Shingon sect. The Statue of Kobo daishi follows the Shinnyo Shinno(眞如親王) style founded by Monk-Imperial Prince Shinnyo who was a disciple of monk Kukai. The Statue of Fudo myo-o manifests the Genjo(玄祖) style among the statues of Fudo myo-o. Although not much is known about how the statues were enshrined in the Henjoin temple in Daegu during the Japanese colonial period, it is very likely that these statues were created as Shingi Shingon sect's statue of three-wheeled body(三輪身). That is, it is estimated that the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, Statue of Kobo daishi, and Statue of Fudo myo-o have the characteristics of the body of self-nature chakra(自性輪身), the body of great dharma chakra(正法輪身), and the body of order chakra(敎令輪身), respectively. The fact that the statue of three-wheeled body was established in the Shingon sect in Japan by monk Kakuban also lends credence to this possibility. It is thought that people who came to the Henjoin temple in Daegu worshiped the statue of three-wheeled body to understand the teachings of the Dainichi nyorai. Although it is the case of Sildalsa Temple (悉達寺, the successor of Henjoin temple in Daegu) in the first half of the 1950s, the main hall includes features that reinforce the idea that the tradition of Kobo daisi faith(弘法大師信仰) is passed on. To illustrate, the human skeletal remains in the main hall of Sildalsa Temple reflect Koyasan(高野山)'s tradition in laying ashes to rest, which has been popular in conjunction with the Kobo daishi faith in Japan since the 11th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.141-170
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• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.101-140
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• 2017

Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements. Since the Three Kingdoms periods, Korea has been under the influence of "The Three Teachings". But during the modern times, the word "The Three Daos" began to be widely used alongside the expression "The Three Teachings" within various circles of New Korean Religions. Regarding this, Daesoon Thought is particularly noteworthy due to its description of the religious realm spoken of as "Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism" and the figurehead of that realm, the "Gwan-wang (Crowned King)". This study suggests that there should be a distinction noting the differences between "The Three Teachings" and "The Three Daos" in order to understand the status of the "Gwan-wang" in Daesoon Thought and to facilitate the study Buddhism as both a religion and a religious principle within the context of "The Gwan-wang of the Three Daos". Chapter II, details the conceptions of "Dao" and "Teaching" in the Eastern tradition and "Religion" in the Western tradition. This chapter includes a discussion of how the word "The Three Daos" could be approached as a "Theory of the Three Daos" that explains the religions of the East and the West through comprehensive principles. Chapter III goes through descriptions in the Jeon-gyeong of Buddhistic faiths, doctrines, monks, and temples to discover the meaning of the Dao of Buddhism and Buddhist culture as contained in the Jeon-gyeong. In chapter IV, the Buddhistic characteristics of Daesoon Thought is clarified in three ways: the Dao of Buddhism as the "substance of form", oneness as "growth and nurturing", and "Jinmuk" as the leader of the Dao of Buddhism. From this discussion, it is shown that research on the Dao of Buddhism in Daesoon Thought is a crucial avenue for understanding the identity of Daesoon Thought. In other words, the status of Daesoon Thought is not irrelevant to the Dao of Buddhism or to Buddhism proper, but Daesoon Thought should instead be understood as pursuing the state of Gwan-wang (Crowned King), which has the Dao of Buddhism as an axis characterized as "the substance of form" or as "growth and nurturing". Also, it provides a comprehensive view by which the various aspects of Buddhism as a modern day religious phenomenon of can be understood under the principle of the Dao of Buddhism.