• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.33-40
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• 2015

The present study is aimed to reconsider the time of installation and the purpose of the square footstone located at the center of the wooden pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on related precedent studies. Precedent studies are divided into two streams of assertions: one is that the square footstone was to support the major pillars at the time of building and the other is that it was installed to store Buddhist reliquaries inside the central foundation stone after the wood pagoda burnt down in the Invasion of Mongol. Summarizing the grounds with which the precedent studies support their assertions, they are the relation with Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok, the emerging time of the square footstone, repairing work at the level of reconstruction, additional enshrinement of general Buddhist reliquaries and so on. The present study reviewed the key grounds suggested in the previous studies regarding the square footstone. First, it was determined that the square footstone has nothing to do with Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok, after looking into the timings of appearance, condition and shape in literatures. Rather, it was assumed that Gaseopbul Yeonjwaseok resembles a stone column. Next, the square footstone is assumed to be installed after the 4th year of King Kwangjong's rule because the wood pagoda was lost in fire in the 4th year of Kwangjong's rule and it had been left alone for 68 years until the repair work finished in the 13th year of King Hyunjong. It is assumed that repair works at the level of reconstruction had been twice in total, say, once during King Kyungmun and Hyunjong, respectively. Next, looking into the establishment of the general Buddhist reliquaries and the repair work during King Kyungmun, it was not common then to enshrine additional Buddhist reliquaries when repair work progressed and so there was not an additional enshrinement of Buddhist reliquaries after King Kyungmun. However, it is hard to decide that there was no repair work at the level of reconstruction at that time. Last, we can find a similar case to the square footstone of the wood pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple in the copper pagoda in Japanese Yaksasa Temple. In conclusion, it is assumed that the wooden pagoda in Hwangnyongsa Temple was lost to the fire in the 4th year of King Kwangjong's rule and thus the square footstone had been used as Jinho stone to protect Buddhist reliquaries and used as a propping stone for the major pillars after King Hyungjong.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.53-66
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• 2021

In the study of Buddhist architecture before the Goryeo Dynasty, the analysis of sectarian viewpoints is one of the effective means. In the study of Buddhist architecture before the Goryeo Dynasty, analyzing from the point of view of a Buddhism sect is one of the effective means. Until now, compared to the importance of the Beopsang school before the Goryeo period in the field of research on the history of Buddhist architecture, research on its temples was the least compared to those of other denominations. In this study, as one of the studies on Beopsang school temples, Geumsansa(金山寺), Beopjusa(法住寺), and Donghwasa(桐華寺), which were built as the Jinpyo's Beopsang school temple in the late 8th century and maintained until the Goryeo Dynasty, were targeted. And I tried a rudimentary analysis on the building composition of those temples from the viewpoint of the beliefs and teachings of Beopsang school. This study is meaningful in that it is the first attempted study in the field of architectural history on the Buddhist temple of the Beopsang school, which led non-Zen sects of Buddhism along with the Hwaeom school until the Goryeo Dynasty.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.27-65
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• 2014

Flourishing in the Central Dry Zone of Burma during a period from the mid-eleventh to the late-thirteenth century A.D., the historical kingdom of Pagan was one of the major Buddhist centers in Southeast Asia. The significance of Pagan as an important pilgrimage site of the region, where numerous relics of the Buddha were enshrined, had been maintained until long after the fall of its civilization. It is evident that the artistic influences of Pagan, particularly in the architectural and decorative domains, had been transmitted to various other Buddhist civilizations in the area. This study provides a detailed analysis on the relationships between the mural tradition of Pagan and those of its neighboring civilizations in Thailand-of the Ayutthayā, Lānnā and Sukhothai schools-dating from after the Pagan Period in the fourteenth century to the sixteenth century. Surprisingly, as the analysis of this study has suggested, such relationships seemed to be trivial, more on a minor stylistic basis than on substantial ideological and iconographic grounds. They suggest that transmission of the complex idea and superb craftsmanship of the mural tradition would not have been maintained adequately at Pagan after its civilization, probably due to the lack of royal patronage. It would have been extremely difficult for foreign pilgrims who visited Pagan after its dynastic period to appreciate the surviving murals of this lost tradition in terms of their complex programs and associated symbolism. Also, there had been a new center of the Sinhalese Buddhism firmly established in the Martaban area of lower Burma since the mid-fourteenth century that outcompeted Pagan in terms of supplying the new Buddhist ideas and tradition. Its fame spread wide and far among the Buddhist communities of Southeast Asia. Later, these Buddhist communities also established direct contact with Sri Lanka. The Sukhothai murals and the Ayutthayā murals in the crypt of Wat Rātchaburana, dating from the fourteenth/fifteenth century, show obvious Sri Lankan influence in terms of artistic style and Buddhist iconography. They could be a product of these new religious movements, truly active in Southeast Asia during that time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.61-86
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• 2008

Buddhism and Buddhist art originated in India, but when they were introduced to different countries, they created an international environment. Buddhism was introduced as cultural package, with written texts, visual images, rituals, and the organization of monasteries. Buddhist art originated in India during the reign of King Asoka and then was developed under the political, intellectual, artistic, religious, social and natural environments of the regions. The stupa and the chaitya halls create monastic environment. The natural environment of the trade routes and caravans in the Central Asian deserts preserved brilliant-colored murals and helped spread tram India to China. When Buddhism and Buddhist art were introduced to China, Korea, and Japan, Buddhism became a part of government institution and social organization. Gigantic statues were carved in caves in mountains for political purposes. The Chinese transformed the stupa into a square pillar and created pagodas with tiled roofs in tower forms. Koreans not only transmitted the Buddhist art from China to Japan, but it also changed it with originality in the iconography of the pensive bodhisattva images and in the architecture of Seoggulam. The official ideology of Neo Confucian philosophy brought the rise of Chan Buddhism. Zen monasteries in Japan created unique environments by establishing the Zen Buddhist garden. to prompt believers to meditate. An important development in Buddhist art is the Esoteric Buddhist art in China and Tibet. This category belongs to the intellectual, religious as well as artistic environments. The Tibetan deities with consorts in their embrace symbolize the union of the god and the devotees. Buddhist art created a unique environment that was spread out to many nations and changed greatly over time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.129-152
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• 2008

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.127-134
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• 2009

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.57-75
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• 2007

Bulguk Temple, one of the national temples, sublimated the high formalism and symbolism into lovely art, and thus be called the pinnacle of Korean architecture. Of many characteristic structures of Bulguk Temple, the stone stereobate and stairs have a great importance in that we can read out the purpose of the architect through their relics. Especially, the stone stairs are noteworthy for they structuralize the intentional space division. The objects of this observation are Yeonwhagyo and Chilbogyo bridges at the entrance of Keungnakjeon precinct, and Cheongwoongyo and Baekwoongyo stairs at the entrance of Daewoongjun precinct. All these relics are the structures that divide the precinct areas on the basis of Buddhist theory and have strong symbolic meanings as well. Although the diverse studies have made on the structures, there are many insufficient aspects for the manifestation of the meanings. In this study, I considered the Buddhist dogmatic meanings of the structures in the formalistic view of the Buddhist architecture. The study was proceeded in the way that the establishments of former studies were fully reflected in it. Through the study, I could confirm that the objects of consideration have the double formalistic meanings and they are strongly structuralizing the symbolism.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.5 no.1 s.9
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• pp.9-17
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• 1996

A few archeological excavation of Buddhist temple sites of Koguryo were reported with information of site arrangement. The interpretation of such information is very important not only for the explanation of Korea early Buddhist architecture but also for the development of East Asian cases in general since no archeological evidences of the same period were found in other countries such as China. Though the investigation of the four temple sites this paper attempt to identify their date of construction and the process of change. The study depended much on comparative studies of the change of site elements such as pagoda, image hall., corridor, and other buildings. The study could conclude that the site of SangO-Ri must be the earliest case which was followed by ChungRung-Sa, which was built in around 427AD. The site of ToSung-Ri was the case which was the work of the rate 5th century. Such process of the development of Buddhist architecture in Koguryo unveils the fact that the process of change was a continuous flow toward a consistent goal of change that had much to do with the contemporary religious situation.