• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.59-82
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• 2011

Based on travel literatures written by the Joseon literati, the different picture of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Buseok monastery from the one today emerges. Not only do the buildings removed from the monastery today reappear, but the quite different way of the monastic operation comes to light. This observation leads to a speculation that the monastery was functionally and spatially divided into two territories; that of the Immeasurable life hall and of the Dharma hall. The Immeasurable life hall's precinct was built at the site open to the west providing a grand vista of mountainous area. This siting, originally having a close relation with the visualization such as the Sixteen contemplation, not simply gave such a special attraction that the first built architectural composition has lasted through the centuries to the late Joseon, but also granted to the Chwiweon pavilion located at the western side of the precinct a special meditative quality. As the monastery has suffered from a number of heavy duties in the Joseon period, the architectural attraction of the precinct was mobilized to promote the monastic identity as the legitimate monastery first built by Uisang, the founder of Hwaeom Buddhsim. Especially, the Chwiweon pavilion offered a mental space so that the literati might form an affirmative attitude toward the monastery and the monks. The Dharma hall's precinct was built based on the direct replication of the architectural layout presented in liturgy books for the Water and Land rite as well as the Vulture Peak rite. This layout is generally called the Court-type enclosed by four buildings, which has been widely fashioned in the late Joseon period. This characteristic gave to the Dharma hall precinct an arbitrary and anonymous quality, which helped not only avoid the tourism of the literati, but also secure the sacrality and ritual efficacy at occasions of Buddhist rites. This division of territories of the monastery can be understood as the strategic reaction from the monks in order to survive in the age of oppression against Buddhism. In result, the identity of Buseok monastery in the late Joseon was established as the Nine-rank sanctuary where Bodhisattvas permanently resided.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.119-128
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• 2019

This paper attempts to reveal little-known pages from the history of relations between the peoples of Central Asia and Korea based on materials derived from written sources and modern scientific literature, as well as from medieval wall paintings from the early medieval Afrasiab Palace of Varhuman, the ruler of Samarkand, and from stone sculptures of Sogdian figures contained in Silla royal tombs. Korea's interest in the western lands led to its contact with Buddhism, which spread and later flourished in all three Korean kingdoms (Koguryo, Paekche and Silla). The spread of Buddhism in turn motivated a number of Korean monks to undertake pilgrimages to India via Central Asia. Hyecho, a young Silla pilgrim, left evidence of his journey via the South China Sea to India in 723 AD. Paul Pelliot discovered a report from Hyecho's journey entitled Notes on Pilgrimage to Five Regions in India (Wang Wu Tianzhuguo zhuan) in the Dunhuang caves in 1908. Hyecho's contributions are worthy of attention, substantially complementing knowledge available for this little-studied period in the history of South and Central Asia. The information contained in Hyecho's manuscript is, in fact, considered the most significant work of the first half of the 8th century. Research regarding the relationship between Central Asia and Korea remains underdeveloped. Existing historical evidence, however, including the above mentioned Samarkand wall paintings, depicts the visits of two Korean ambassadors to Samarkand, and evidence from Silla tombs suggests the presence of diplomatic relations in addition to trade between the two regions. Overall, the history of the relationship between Central Asia and Korea yields new insights into how and why these distant countries sustained trade and diplomatic and cultural exchange during this early period. Taking into account Korea's growing interest in Uzbekistan, especially in its history and culture, this article can act as a catalyst for studying the history of the two country's relations.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.19-32
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• 2013

Objective : Chu Cheng(褚澄) was known as the author of Zayaofang(雜藥方) and Chushiyishu(褚氏遺書). His mentions in the medicine have been sufficiently told in his posterity. However, there have been no studies on Chu Cheng and his work like Chushiyishu in Korea. Here, I seek to investigate Chu Cheng and his ideas in the medicine. Method : I investigate Chushiyishu, known as written by Chu Cheng and his scattered portions. Result & Conclusion : His nom de plume(字) is Yandao(彦道). It was supposed that he was born before the year of 420, the era of Dong Jin(東晉) and died in 483. He wrote Zayaofang and Chushiyishu. However, the former was lost. The latter consists of 10 pieces of medical theories. The contents carved on the stone plate was discovered for the first time before 934 at a place presumed as his grave. Then, it was stored as the inner and outer coffins in the tomb of Xiao Guang(蕭廣) in 935 and written on the paper by Buddhist monk Shi Yikan(釋義堪) in 1127. Then, Liu Jixian(劉繼先) carved on the wood for publication and finally, the work was released in 1201. But, it deeply looks that the book was written by other follower. Chu Cheng was a doctor excellent in the inspection and pulse method and his medical ideas prioritized Huo(火) in Mingmen(命門) and Spleen(脾). He expressed his opinions on the four phases of life, sexes and birth defects through Yangjing(陽精) and Yinxue(陰血). In addition, he explained the human pathology through Qixue(氣血). Unsmooth flow of Qi causes diseases by congestion. The entity circulating Yinxue is Yang and protested using urine to treat the hemoptysis(咳血) instead of medicine with cold features. It was frequently mentioned by his predecessors with the fact that Chu Cheng used different medications on housewives from widows and Buddhist nun monks. In addition, Chu Cheng proposed various opinions on cure, diagnosis, treatment, drug usage, pulse positions and hermaphrodites(半陰陽).

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.2 s.42
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• pp.7-20
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• 2005

Ceremony is important to Buddhism as a part of the religious practice. Buddhist ceremony is a kind of discipline and it rules the Chan monastery life. This discipline, called $\ulcorner$Qinggui(淸規)$\lrcorner$ also forms a part of the practice for enlightenment in the Chan monastery(禪宗). Qinggui is derived from $\ulcorner$Baizhang's monastic code(百丈淸規)$\lrcorner$ which no longer exists. $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui(禪院淸規)$\lrcorner$ is considered the oldest surviving Chinese monastic discipline. Its success is partly due to the emphasis in the Chan monastery on the succession of monks to abbot hood. Qinggui has been called the only discipline in Buddhist monastic life in religion. Whether it is also the discipline of the architectural space of the Chan temples is the focus of this thesis. The examination of this assumption may expand the meaning of Qinggui as embodying not only the religious form of discipline but also a fundamental part of the architectural archive. The majority of the buildings in the Chan monastery in Qinggui are related to $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks figures$\lrcorner$. Most of all, it can be clarified that the elements of Qinggui are expressed through the analysis of the activities in each building. This proves that Qinggui has become a stipulation not only for the regulation of the monastery life but also the architectural code of the Chan temples. In conclusion, this study shows how the meaning of ceremony and monastery life in $\ulcorner$Chanyuan qinggui$\lrcorner$ can be expanded to include the design program of temples. The research proves that there is a basic code in the Chan temples for designing the structure of the monastery space. Similarly, $\ulcorner$Five Mountains Ten Checks Figures$\lrcorner$ was a diagram for examination and analysis as well as a tool for creating drawings of the temples in the Song era.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.6
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• pp.12-23
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• 2008

This study reports the costume changes and the factors of the changes from stone status in joseon dynasty. It can be summarized as follows: First, the artisan for the statues is one of the most important factors for the costume changes. The artisans who were involved in building the King's tomb were also made the stone statues for scholars' tombs. This results in that the style of the King's tomb influenced the costumes of stone statues for scholars' tombs. Some craftsmen who were buddhist monks also influenced the introduction of buddhist arts. Second, the stone statues are classified into 3 types according to the dead's social position: the civil officer statues, the military official statues, and the servant statues are installed for the civil officer, the military officers, and others, respectively. This principle was applied well. However, the civil official statues are mainly installed in late joseon dynasty because the civil officers are socially preferred to the military officers in late joseon dynasty. Third, there are two types of civil officer statues; Gongbok type and jobok type. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were mainly installed in early joseon dynasty and civil officer statues of jobok type were begun to be installed in the early 16th century. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were fade out after the late 17th century. Fourth, there are three reasons why civil officer statues of jobok type were installed at the officers's tombs 270 years earlier than at the Kings' tombs: 1) Introduction of Daemyunghoejeon and its application, 2) an establishment of a system that requires to prepare jobok individually, and 3) self-confidence of scholars' class on political and cultural maturity.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.9-33
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• 2017

This study emphasized on the facts of the preparation for monk military with the confucian Jungbong Joheon against the invasion of Japanese military in the time of Japanese invasion of Korea and the martyrdom in the combat of Cheongju fortress and the 1st, the 2nd combats of Geumsan fortress. Especially, tens of thousands of Monk soldiers under the reverend general Yeonggyu at the very first time uprisen in the Buddhist world and let the rebellion continue nationwide as relying on his teacher Cheongheo Hyujeong and his co-monks. The record related to such monk military was found in 'Jinsanmirukchohongi (珍山彌勒寺招魂記)': the reverend general Yeonggyu and monk military officers (義兵將 判官僧 1 person, 義兵將僧 8 persons, 從事官僧 2 persons, 軍官僧 1 person), but in the record of the Jongyong monastery, it is said, 'the reverend Yeonggyu and his soldiers'. The soldiers of the reverend Yeong'gyu are right the monk troop, the existence of about 20 persons is confirmed in the chronicles and other sorts of literary collections. However, other information was hardly found in those sources, so I look forward to having further researches on the details of other monk solders with their dharma names and conducts which they did with patriotism.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.193-220
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• 2018

This study aims to analyze qualitatively the people's dysfunctional religiosity for well-being. The participants of this study were 6 the clergy and 6 believers (devotes). The clergy included three pastors of Protestant churches, two Buddhist monks (male and females), and one Won-Buddihst monk. Six devotes included two Protestants, two Catholics, and two Buddhist. There were one female in the clergy and three females in devotes. Data gathered from narrative interviews were analyzed with techniques based on Giorgi's phenomenological strategies and procedures. Twenty two topics derived from their assertions and statements, nine main meanings were classified based on those topics. Main meaning were reward-seeking religiosity, authority oriented religiosity, selfish religiosity, blind or unconditional religiosity, asocial religiosity, inactive religiosity, inexperienced religiosity, emotionally problematic religiosity, and cognitively problematic religiosity. Based on derived topics and main meaning, suggestions for further studies, for example the scale development, and information of strategies for promoting well-being of religious persons were discussed.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.137-151
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• 2024

This study analyzes the feng shui characteristics of the location of Seon-un Temple in Do-sol Mountain, Gochang from a metaphysical and selfish perspective through field research and literature review.A characteristic element of feng shui was that it prioritized harmony with nature and made it a reference point for selecting a location through a reasonable method. In the Silla Dynasty, adherent monks studied in the Gangseo area, where the Hyeongsepungsu first appeared, and this Hyeongsepungsu of the Gangseo District Law flowed into Korea and played a leading role in selecting the location of the temple and arranging Garam. Seon-un Temple was located under Do-sol Mountain and had no choice but to have great significance, and it was a practice of the desire to achieve Buddhist perfection through Do-sol Stream and Do-sol Small Temple, which enter the kingdom of Buddha. A s a result, the location of Seon-un Temple under Do-sol Mountain in Gochang reflected a variety of feng shui characteristics. In particular, the location of Sun-un Temple in Do-sol Mountain logically used the characteristics and meanings of feng shui and practiced becoming one with nature, which is aimed at spreading Buddhist doctrine and ideology, which has the holiest meaning of Buddhism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.