• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.677-688
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• 1997

The purpose of this study was to find out the symbolism of religious costume which has showed the religious belief system through costume practice and culture. Indian Religious costume each has its own mark was investigated in this study. In India, religion is a way of life. It is an integral part of the entire Indian tradition. The results were as follows; India's several main religions are Hinduism(About 80% of population) , Islam (About 11% of population) , Sikhism(less than 2% of population) , Jainism(less than 1% of population) , Buddhism(less than 1% of population) and Christianity(About 3% of population but excluding here) Religious faith system which symbolized Godhood, spiritualty, ascetics, restraint, chastity, sacred and dignity gave a certain shape to each color, ornaments, dressing and marking of religion costume. In connection with religion costumes, there were Hindu's Tika, sacred ash, long hair, knot and holy band (Yajnopavita) , Buddhist's kayysa and tonsures, Jams' no covering, Muslim's chador and skullcap, Sikh's turban (with no cutting hair) , comb, steel bracelet, drawers, sword or dagger. The characteristics, head especially of thebody and white in the colors were made much account for India religion costume. Traditional costume seems to be worn at the present times in India. But apparently these costume associated with religion costume because of Hindu more than 80% of population.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.215-247
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• 2021

In Buddhism, there are specific terms related to miracles and miraculous acts such as the Sanskrit term, abhijñā, which was translated as into Chinese characters as shintong (神通). This term implies the six supranormal powers. It originally meant 'direct knowledge,' 'high knowledge,' or 'knowledge beyond the common senses,' which was understood as a superhuman and transcendental ability possessed by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and noblemen. However, this took on different meanings and morphed into different terms later in India and China. This article analyzes the subject, object, type, and purpose of these shintong, focusing on the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti (堅固經, Gyeonggo-gyeong, Kaivarti-sūtra) from the Longer Discourses (長阿含經, Jang-Ahamgyeong, Dīrghâgama) and exemplary Buddhist texts such as the Sanskrit, In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha (佛所行讚, Bulsohaengchan, Buddhacaritam) and the Chinese Records of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, goseungjeon) and Continued Records of Eminent Monks (續高僧傳, Sok-goseungjeon). The historical evolution and changes to the meaning of Shintong in Indian and Chinese contexts can be observed through these texts. In the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti, the Buddha said that there are three kinds of Shintong: supranormal footedness (神足, shinjok, ṛddhi-pāda), mindreading (觀察他心, gwanchaltashim, anya-mano-jñāna), and education (敎誡, gyogye, anuśāsana). Among them, supranormal footedness (multiplying one's body, teleportation, flying, walking on water, etc.) and mindreading were denied because, at that time, claims of this nature were used to appeal to people's emotions and inspire sincerity, but this was of no use in conveying the Buddha's teaching. On the other hand, education, acquired only with through enlightenment, was sanctioned as a shintong unique to Buddhism. However, in In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha, supranormal footedness and mindreading were described as important ways to lead people to enlightenment, while education pertained to the whole of spiritual work. In China, Buddhism was a foreign religion at first, and it urgently sought to be accepted. After the increase of its religious influence, introspection on discipline and practice was meant to firmly deepen its roots. In line with this, shintong and miracles were transformed and expanded to suit the Chinese cultural context. Such changes in Buddhist history are well illustrated by the shini (神異, miraculous powers) described in Records of Eminent Monks and the gamtong (感通, penetration of sensitivity) detailed in Continued Records of Eminent Monks. In Records of Eminent Monks, the subject of shini was that of eminent monks and its objects were those who did not know of Buddhism or believe in it. In Continued Records of Eminent Monks, however, the monks themselves could be objects of shini. The change of object suggests that the purpose had shifted from edification to awareness and self-reflection. Shini focused on edification, whereas gamtong re-emphasized the importance of the pure discipline and practice of monks during the 6^th and 7^th centuries when China became predominantly Buddhist.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.15-21
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• 2021

This study studied the value of the spatial organization of the temple and the form of the garden located in the Seojang area in the southwestern regions of China. The value of the Lama temple was looked into by examining the relationship between Lamaism and Lama temple through the spatial organiz ation, building arrangement, and garden of temples that served as the center of history, culture, and politics of the time in the process of converging Buddhism introduced through China's central districts and India with folk beliefs in Seojang through the poor environment. To this end, the value of the space and garden of the Lama temple was derived through the representative Lama temples, Potala Temple, Norbulingka Temple, and Dazhao Temple. First, due to the unique environment in which ice caps and green areas coexist, the representative Lama temples in Seojang, Potala Temple, Norbulingka Temple, and Dazhao Temple, are widely distributed in the form of leaning against valleys and mountain ranges based on folk beliefs and Buddhism's Jatabuli(自他不二) and mandala. the target sites are largely divided into upper and lower spaces. Second, the target sites are largely divided into upper and lower spaces. Buildings for worship are located in the upper space, and spaces for practice and garden are located in the lower space. The garden existed in two main forms. Third, the garden existed in two main forms. Located in the center of the practice space, the garden had an ideal structure to plant bo tree to escape from the two false obsession and go to a world of truth that is with the Buddha behind the world through practice like Sakyamuni, and there was a garden around the temple where meditation and exchange took place. Evergreen coniferous forests are mainly planted in the forests.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.85-95
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• 1996

The purpose of this study was to investigate moral reasoning among 77 senior medical students. Data were collected through selfreported questionnaires in June, 1995. The short form of the DIT (Rest's Defining Issues Test) was adopted to measure the stage of moral development, which was classified with the stage 2(instrumental relativist orientation), the stage 3(interpersonal concordance), the stage 4(law and order), the stage 5A(societal consensus), and the stage 5B(intuitional humanism), stage 6(universal ethical practice). In particular, the level of principled thinking(P) was measured by summing those scores of the stages 5A, 5B, and 6. The possible range of P is O to 95. The data were analyzed by t-test, ANOVA. The results were as follows. 1. The mean score of P(%) was 44.67 (SD=12.82). And the mean score of the stage 5A was higher than the scores of other stages. The mean score of P was not significantly different by general characteristics of the students. 2. The mean score of the stage 5B revealed significant difference by religion (3.17, P=.019) ; The score was highest in buddhist (8.0), which was followed by protestant (6.1), catholic (5.6) and no religion (4.7). 3. The mean score of the stage 4 revealed significant difference by educational background of mother (3.24, P=.017) ; the Score was highest in graduate school (25.0), which was followed by high school (14.1), under-graduate school (13.9), elementary school (12.4), middle school (8.3).

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.16 no.18
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• pp.8541-8551
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• 2016

Background: The coverage of breast and cervical cancer screening has only slightly increased in the past decade in Thailand, and these cancers remain leading causes of death among women. This study identified socioeconomic and contextual factors contributing to the variation in screening uptake and coverage. Materials and Methods: Secondary data from two nationally representative household surveys, the Health and Welfare Survey (HWS) 2007 and the Reproductive Health Survey (RHS) 2009 conducted by the National Statistical Office were used. The study samples comprised 26,951 women aged 30-59 in the 2009 RHS, and 14,619 women aged 35 years and older in the 2007 HWS were analyzed. Households of women were grouped into wealth quintiles, by asset index derived from Principal components analysis. Descriptive and logistic regression analyses were performed. Results: Screening rates for cervical and breast cancers increased between 2007 and 2009. Education and health insurance coverage including wealth were factors contributing to screening uptake. Lower or non-educated and poor women had lower uptake of screenings, as were young, unmarried, and non-Buddhist women. Coverage of the Civil Servant Medical Benefit Scheme increased the propensity of having both screenings, while the universal coverage scheme increased the probability of cervical screening among the poor. Lack of awareness and knowledge contributed to non-use of both screenings. Women were put off from screening, especially Muslim women on cervical screening, because of embarrassment, fear of pain and other reasons. Conclusions: Although cervical screening is covered by the benefit package of three main public health insurance schemes, free of charge to all eligible women, the low coverage of cervical screening should be addressed by increasing awareness and strengthening the supply side. As mammography was not cost effective and not covered by any scheme, awareness and practice of breast self examination and effective clinical breast examination are recommended. Removal of cultural barriers is essential.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.5
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• pp.18-34
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• 2013

This paper examines the costumes of 18th century Joseon dynasty that appears in the writings of Lee Ok(李鈺, 1760~1815). The main characteristics that can be inferred about the clothing from his writings are as follows. 1) It suppose that the color of first grade(一品) official uniform was purple. The popular color for the bride's ceremonial dress was red. 2) It was likely that only bridesmaids or married women were allowed to wear Jokduri(ceremonial coronet). 3) White clothes were only preferred in Yeongnam-udo, whereas other regions mainly wore blue, which differs from the national preference for white clothes that was prevalent in the end of the Joseon dynasty. 4) Once cotton was harvested, it only took 5 days to convert it into cotton cloth and be sold on the market. Cotton cloth was one of the most important products during the latter half of the Joseon dynasty. It was common practice in markets to sell expensive costume materials as counterfeits or fungible goods with the intent to cheat. 5) The buddhist monk's hat is various that short cylinder form(短桶帽) and jade or gold headband button(玉圈 金圈) attached shape, etc. Consequently, Lee Ok's writing is a suitable reference for researching Joseon dynasty clothing, since it includes detailed and various descriptions of everyday clothing worn by strict noblemen, which is difficult to find elsewhere.

• Nutrition Research and Practice
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.23-31
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• 2019

BACKGROUND/OBJECTIVES: A large number of studies on anemia have focused mostly on pregnant women or children. The vegetarian population, which is another potential risk group for anemia, remains largely unexplored. Therefore, this cross-sectional study examined the associations of the sociodemographic, lifestyle, nutritional, and psychological factors with the anemia status among female adult vegetarians. SUBJECTS/METHODS: A total of 177 female vegetarians were recruited from a Buddhist and Hindu organization in Selangor, Malaysia. The participants completed a self-administered questionnaire, which analyzed their sociodemographic characteristics, physical activity level, sleep quality, depression, anxiety, and stress. The body weight, height, waist circumference, and body fat percentage of the participants were also measured. A 3-day dietary recall was conducted to assess their dietary intake. Blood samples (3 ml) were withdrawn by a nurse from each participant to determine the hemoglobin (Hb) level. RESULTS: The findings revealed 28.2% of the participants to be anemic. The age group (AOR = 2.46, 95% CI = 1.19-5.05), marital status (AOR = 2.69, 95% CI = 1.27-5.71), and percentage of energy from protein (AOR = 5.52, 95% CI = 1.41-21.65) were the significant predictors of anemia. CONCLUSIONS: Anemia is a public health problem among female vegetarians in this study. Health promotion programs that target female adult vegetarians should be conducted to manage and prevent anemia, particularly among those who are married, aged 50 and below, and with an inadequate protein intake.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.534-546
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to prove the positive effect of mind and body healing through the modified meditation method of Southern Buddhism as a systematic practice to concentrate or empty consciousness of the Buddhist temple in Dhammakaya, Thailand. To investigate the effects of the program on the participants, the experimental measurement tools in this study include the Immeasurable scale, spirituality scale, simple mental test scale, and blood pressure scale, pulse meter, thermometer, and recorder. When the measured values were compared with the corresponding t-test, there were some differences before and after the measurements based on the significance probability p <0.05. As a result, there was a significant correlation between spiritual support scale and the Immeasurable scale. In addition, the results of analyzing the data through interviews showed that the body and physiologically effective concentration was well after the meditation experience, and the intention to actively utilize this meditation method was confirmed. In this study, it was confirmed that there was a positive effect of the Samata practice method of Concentration meditation(CM), and thus the theoretical and experimental effects of intensive meditation were presented. I hope that these studies will accumulate and follow-up studies will be conducted through intensive meditation as a healing effect.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.153-182
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• 2021

The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.