• 공연문화연구
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• 제34호
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

본 연구는 동해안 오구굿 중 김장길이 소리한 판염불의 악곡 중 6곡을 대상으로 선율을 분석하여 무가(巫歌) 판염불에 나타난 불교음악의 영향을 살펴본 것이다. 그 결과를 요약해보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 2016년 10월 16일에 연행된 김장길의 판염불의 구성은 <창혼>, <예불>, <망자축원>, <장엄염불>, <대다라니>, <오방례>, <지장보살 정근>, <법성게>, <극락세계십종장엄>, <아미타불 정근>, <지옥가>로 구성된다. 다만 판염불은 같은 양중이 연행한다 하더라도 상황에 따라 더 추가되고 생략될 수 있으므로 그 절차구성은 매우 유동적이다. 그러나 김용택의 것과 비교했을 때 <지옥가> 외에 <대다라니>가 공통되는 것으로 보아 동해안 오구굿의 판염불에는 <대다라니>가 중요한 위치를 차지하는 것으로 보인다. 둘째, <대다라니>는 불가에서는 일반적으로 '신묘장구대다라니'라고 칭하고 있고 김용택도 이 명칭을 그대로 수용하고 있는데 반해, 김장길은 '염화장구대다라니'라고 하여 차별되는 명칭을 사용한다. 염화는 '손가락에 꽃을 집어들었다'는 뜻으로 불가적 의미이지만 보편적으로 사용하는 명칭이 아니다. 이로보아 김장길은 불경의 '대다라니'를 수용하되 차별된 명칭을 사용함으로써 불교의례와는 구별되는, 무의례만의 의미를 부여하고자 한 것으로 보인다. 셋째, 동해안 오구굿의 판염불은 크게 두 부분으로 나누어진다. 전반부의 <판염불>과 후반부의 <지옥가>이다. <판염불>은 양중이 앉아서 직접 징 반주를 하며 독송하고, <지옥가>는 양중이 꽹과리를 들고 일어서서 독송하는데 이때 악사들이 삼공잽이 장단으로 반주한다. 노래와 반주가 이중주처럼 주고받는 형식으로 이루어지므로 음악적으로도 가장 고조되고 강조된다. <판염불>은 판염불 지옥가로 구분해서 보기도 하지만, 한 명의 양중에 의해 독송되는 절차이므로 일반적으로 하나의 절차로 해석한다. 넷째, 김장길의 판염불에서 반주역할을 하는 징은 악구를 구분하고 악곡의 단락을 짓는 역할이다. 일자일음의 염불을 노래할 때, 숨을 고르거나 목을 가다듬는 등 호흡의 정리가 필요한데 이때 징이 그 사이를 메운다. 징은 악구를 구분하여 음악적 단락을 지어주므로, 가사의 전달을 명확하게 한다. 징의 리듬은 균등한 2소박을 제외하고는 대부분 3소박으로 이루어져 있으며, 암쇠(♩♪)보다는 숫쇠(♪♩)의 빈도가 압도적으로 많다. 또한 당김음이 자주 사용된다. 균등한 2소박의 반주에서도 엇박 또는 단장(短長) 리듬을 자주 사용하여 단조로운 균등리듬에 변화를 주어 음악적 활력을 준다. 이와 같은 엇박과 단장리듬은 긴장감을 자아내는 숫쇠리듬과 일맥상통하는 것으로, 양중 김장길만의 리듬특징으로 보아진다. 다섯째, 모든 악곡은 mi, sol, la, do, re의 5음구성이며, do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi의 하행선율이 압도적으로 많다. 하행선율은 슬픈 느낌을 자아내는 것으로 망자에 대한 슬픔을 음악적으로 잘 표현한 것이므로, 김장길의 음악적 감각을 엿볼 수 있다. 악곡은 전체적으로 la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi의 완전4도 하행에서 sol의 시가가 짧게 나타나는 전형적인 메나리토리로 이루어져 있다. 여섯째, 김장길은 기존 염불의 가사를 수용하되 그대로 부르지 않고 그 사이사이에 '원왕생'이나 '나무아미타불' 등과 같은 가사를 삽입하였고 한문으로 구성된 예불가사에서는 '합소사~'와 같은 한글가사를 추가하였다. 또 슬픈 느낌을 표현하기위해 '이이이이이이이~'와 같은 구절을 삽입하기도 하였다. 이는 망자를 극락왕생하고자 하는 염원을 극대화함과 동시에 불교의 색채를 감소시키고 무속적인 느낌을 주고자한 것으로 보인다. 일곱째, 불교의 색채를 감소시키고자 하는 특징은 가사붙임새에서도 마찬가지이다. 예를 들어, <다게>의 끝 가사와 <칠정례>의 시작가사 사이에서는 일반적으로 휴지를 주어 단락을 구분하지만, 김장길은 오히려 휴지 없이 하나의 곡조로 진행하여 불교 독송의 색채감을 배제하였다. 선율도 일반 불교독송의 것과는 차별된다. 이는 불교의례문을 수용하되, 불가식의 염송과는 구별되는 무의례만의 특징을 부여하고자 하는 김장길의 의지로 해석된다. 여덟째, 분석한 곡목은 크게 4가지 장단으로 나눌 수 있다. 일정한 장단이 없는 <창혼> <망자축원>, 2소박의 균일한 장단의 <예불> <대다라니>, 3+2+3+2의 혼소박으로 된 10/8박자의 엇모리장단으로 된 <지장보살 정근>, 3+2+3의 혼소박으로 구성된 삼공잽이 장단의 <지옥가> 등 악곡에 따라 각기 구분되는 장단으로 이루어져있다. 이중 <지장보살 정근>은 불가에서도 자주 연행되는 의식이지만, 엇모리장단으로 되어서 무속적인 느낌을 자아내며, <지옥가> 역시 삼공잽이 장단으로 연주되어 동해안 무의례만의 특징을 이룬다.

• 가정과삶의질연구
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.111-120
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• 1993

The purpose of the study is to find how the family moral principles are placed in the Buddhist Sutra how they come up to the surface through certain course. We set up the following five kinds of question for aim of this study First in which form are the family moral principles placed in the Buddhist Sutra ? That is are they shown devided into two between the fundamental though of Buddhism and the concrete description? Second how are the family moral principles melted into the fundamental though of Bud-dhism ? Buddhism takes a cognitive method of pursuiting one from divesification,. If that is so the family moral principles will establish the fundamental thought of Buddhism melted along with other phenomena. When the fundamental thought of Buddhism is restored to the family moral principles which image are they presented with us? Third if the family moral princprinciples melted into the fundamental thought of Buddhism in itself came up to the surface ? Buddhism has a and is mixed together. The family moral principles of Buddhism are named from the fundamental thoughts to the family moral principles and do not come up to the surface but are melted into the important concepts of Buddism that is charity kama nirvara emptiness the principle of middle way. The aspects of the family moral principles which are melted into theses thoughts: 1) The concept of loving-kindness including equality non-self practice is shown in the family moral principles. 2) The thought of karma includes the moral principles for interdependence between the building up of home and family members. 3) Home should be a place of self-realization from the suffering realization This kind of home salvation should be set up by family members themselves and the consciousness of the master that such salvation is neither to be made by others not to be given by god is presented one should be the master of one's life 4) The thought of emptiness includes the social extension of home and those of the moral principles of collective body of family. 5) The Buddnist family is morality is based on the principle of the middle way shich means neither too extrim nor lacking.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.215-225
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• 2006

This study was peformed to evaluate the served menu and investigate the management of food service in Korean Buddhist temples. Among the available temples in the nation, 34 temples were carefully selected considering practice type, location and the gender characteristics. A survey about meal preparation and management was conducted to the cooking staff in each the temple using questionnaire by interview between Jan 2004 and Aug 2004. The menus over A five consecutive days menu was were also collected for analysis to analyse. Civilian cooking staffs were preparing meals in 23(67.6%) of the temples and the proportion 18(52.9%) of the temples were planning their own the menus was 52.9%. Most kitchens in the temples were equipped with modernized kitchen appliances. The major food supply was the conventional market Even though the majority of the temples were using processed food, Korean fermented sauces as the most traditional temple food products were prepared by themselves. There were 114 menu patterns and the most frequently served meal pattern was ${\ulcorner}Rice+Soup+Kimchi+3{\sim}4\;side\;dishes{\lrcorner}$. Analyzing from the cultural characteristics point of view, the most frequently served dish type was 'Korean'(90%), while other types were 'modified Korean'(3.7%) and 'Western'(2.7%). The varieties of Various 438 different dishes provided were 438 provided and with Kimchies (19.8%), Seasoned vegetables(16.8%) and Rice(11.0%) being the highest were high in frequency when dishes were categorized into dish classes. Among the main dishes, the frequency of gruel(13.7%) was relatively high. These results suggest the need to conduct Based upon the results found, it was required to continue further research about preserving and inheriting the originality and uniqueness of the temple food.

• 산업진흥연구
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.137-151
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• 2024

본 연구는 고창 도솔산(兜率山) 선운사(禪雲寺) 입지에 대한 풍수적인 특징을 현장조사와 문헌고찰을 통해 형세론적 관점과 이기론 관점에서 분석한 연구이다. 풍수가 갖는 특징적인 요소는 자연과 조화를 최우선 하며 합리적인 방법을 통하여 입지선정의 기준점으로 삼았다. 신라시대 입당승들은 형세풍수가 처음 나타난 강서지역에 유학을 하였는데, 강서지법의 형세풍수가 우리나라에 유입되어 사찰의 입지선정과 가람배치에 주도적인 역할을 했다. 선운사는 도솔산 아래에 입지하여 그 의미가 클 수밖에 없었고, 부처님의 나라로 들어가는 도솔천(兜率川)과 도솔암(兜率庵)을 통한 불교적 완성을 이루고자 하는 바람의 실천이었다. 따라서 고창 도솔산(兜率山) 아래에 자리한 선운사 입지에는 다양한 풍수적 특징이 반영되었는데, 특히 도솔산 선운사의 입지에는 풍수가 가지고 있는 특징과 의미를 논리적으로 사용하였고, 불교의 가장 신성한 의미를 갖는 불교 교리와 사상 전파를 목적으로 하는 자연과 하나되는 모습을 실천하였다.

• 자연과학논문집
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.111-128
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• 2005

This study was conducted under the theory of hermitage ever built from buddhist belief. Directing to hermitages within temples of Korea Jogye Order, we focused on the layout correspondence relationship among them. and 161 hermitages were the first object of the investigation. For the accomplishment of the research purpose, the general epitome and spatial specification through various literature studies, on-the-spot survey and personal communications with a lot of priests were made. As one of the basic surveys, the foundation year were thoroughly investigated, followed by the form of building, main buddha and hermitage name. The results obtained were summarized as follows : Forty five hermitages which are equivalent to twenty eight percent of total hermitages within the parish-level temples of Korea Jogye Order, were built in shilla Dynasty and twenty hermitages that are 12.4 percent of the total were constructed in Koryo Dynasty and thirty seven percent of the total were founded during both of dynasties. This fact makes us to consider that many of hermitages in those days were constructed with the simultaneity of principal temple foundation which means hermitage had responded the spirit of the times. Every hermitage has its main Buddha and this thing happened that each hermitage enshrines its main Buddha according to the thought which was developed with the Buddhism expansion and sutra that is in accordance with their own intention. .Basically a capital temple has differed in its central sanctum in accordance with resourceful sutra, and, at the same time, twenty seven in avatamsk sectenshrine for Sakyamuni as their sanction and eight for the Merciful Goddess and 42.7 percent for Chajang's hermitages. The name of hermitage not only represents its symbol but comprises the characteristic meaning of ascetic practice. 31.7 percent of the hermitages studies was found to have the names of relating to 'ascetic practice' or 'thought' followed by the 'nature' or 'environment' to 21.7 percent.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제18권
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• pp.53-79
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• 2004

This paper explores the relationship between Korean immigrants to the United States and their religious identity from the cultural point of view. Most scholarly studies on Korean immigrants in the United States have been dominated by sociological approach and ethnic studies in examining the social dimension of the Korean immigrant communities while neglecting issues concerning their religious identity and cultural heritage. Most Korean immigrants to America attend Korean churches regardless their religious affiliation before they came to America. One of the reasons for this phenomenon is the fact that Korean church has provided a necessary social service for the newly arrived immigrants. Korean churches have been able to play a key role in the life of Korean immigrants. Korean immigrants, however, have shown a unique aspect regarding their religious identity compared to other immigrants communities in the United States. America is a nation of immigrants, coming from different parts of the world. Each immigrant community has brought their unique cultural heritage and religious persuasion. Asian immigrants, for example, brought their own traditional religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism. People from the Middle Eastern countries brought Islamic faith while European Jews brought the Jewish tradition. In these immigrant communities, religious identity and cultural heritage were homo genously harmonized. Jewish people built synagogue and taught Hebrew, Jewish history, culture, and faith. In this case, synagogue was not only the house of worship for Jews but also the center for learning Jewish history, culture, faith, and language. In short, Jewish cultural history was intimately related to Jewish religious history; for Jewish immigrants, learning their social and political history was indeed identical with leaning of their religious history. The same can be said about the relationship between Indian community and Hinduism. Hindu temples serve as the center of Indian immigrantsin providing the social, cultural, and spiritual functions. Buddhist temples, for that matter, serve the same function to the people from the Asian countries. Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Tibetans, and Thais have brought their respective Buddhist traditions to America and practice and maintain both their religious faith and cultural heritage. Middle Eastern people, for example, have brought Islamic faith to the United States, and Mosques have become the center for learning their language, practicing their faith, and maintaining their cultural heritage. Korean immigrants, unlike any other immigrant group, have brought Christianity, which is not a Korean traditional religion but a Western religion they received in 18th and 19th centuries from the West and America, back to the United States, and church has become the center of their lives in America. In this context, Koreans and Korean-Americans have a unique situation in which they practice Christianity as their religion but try to maintain their non-Christian cultural heritage. For the Korean immigrants, their religious identity and cultural identity are not the same. Although Korean church so far has provides the social and religious functions to fill the need of Korean immigrants, but it may not be able to become the most effective institution to provide and maintain Korean cultural heritage. In this respect, Korean churches must be able to open to traditional Korean religions or the religions of Korean origin to cultivate and nurture Korean cultural heritage.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제53권4호
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

첨성대의 본질에 관한 현재의 가장 보편적인 가설은 천문관측대설이다. 천문관측대설의 근거는 주장하는 학자들마다 약간씩 차이가 있지만, 가장 중요한 근거는 '첨성대'라는 이름이며, 이에 대한 타당한 비판은 지금까지 제기된 바가 없다. 본 연구는 '첨성대'에 내포된 의미를 밝히고, '첨성대'가 천문관측대설의 타당한 근거인지를 살펴보았다. 천문관련설은 '첨성대'를 주로 '첨+성+대'로 해석했다. '볼 첨(瞻)'자와 '별 성(星)'자와 '대 대(臺)'자의 조합인 '첨성대'는 '천문을 관측한 대'를 뜻한다고 주장해 왔다. 한편 종교관련설의 경우, '별 성'은 '하늘 천(天)'을 의미하며, 첨성대에서 바라 본 '하늘'은 불교의 천상세계인 도리천이었다고 주장해 왔다. 본 연구는 『삼국유사』(1289±) 이전의 중국 기록에서 '첨성'의 용례들을 살펴보았다. '첨성'에 내포된 의미는 매우 다양하게 드러났다. '첨성+대'는 서술의 맥락에 따라서 '천문을 관측한 대'를 뜻할 수도 있고, '도리천을 우러러 본 대'를 뜻할 수도 있었다. 또한 '첨성'이 힌두교, 유교, 불교, 천주교, 도교와 같은 다양한 종교적 배경으로 실행되었음을 알 수가 있었고, 불교의 '첨성'의 경우는 적어도 외도(外道)의 '첨성', 법도(法道)의 '첨성', 세속(世俗)의 '첨성'으로 나눠질 수가 있음을 알게 되었다. 서술의 맥락에 따라서 '첨성+대'에 내포된 의미는 상당히 달라질 수가 있는 것이다. 『삼국유사』에 서술된 첨성대의 본질은 선덕여왕의 도리천 장례를 위한 묘탑(廟塔)으로 드러났다. 선덕여왕의 도리천 장례와 문무왕대의 사천왕사 건립은 신종원(1996)의 견해대로 밀교 승려 안함(안홍)에 의해 예언되었고, 『삼국유사』가 인용한 『별기』는 안함(안홍)의 참서(예언서)로 드러났다. 선덕여왕릉과 첨성대의 배치가 동지일출선에 정확하게 맞춰져 있음은 첨성대가 선덕여왕 유혼의 도리천 상생 통로였기 때문으로 판단되었다. 첨성대는 도리천으로 통하는 삼도보계(三道寶階)와 같은 '천국의 계단'를 가진 불탑이었고, '첨성대'는 『삼국유사』 왕력편의 '점성대'와 마찬가지로 '도리천을 우러러 본 대'라는 의미로 파악되었다. '첨성대'라는 이름은 천문관측대설의 근거가 될 수 없으며, 오히려 천문관련설을 총체적으로 부정할 수 있는 하나의 중요한 근거로 새롭게 평가되어야 마땅할 것이다.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.1-5
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• 1998

Grief is the ordinarily self-limited complex of symptoms and processes that constitute the acute reaction to a significant loss. And it is the reaction of the dying as well as the bereaved. Every culture has had its own ways of grief and mourning. The definition of healthy grief and mourning, in terms of both emotional expression and the length of time it should continue, mostly depend upon the type of culture as well as the type of religion. So the manner of grief and mourning greatly differs from culture to culture. In the most of the Asian countries, influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, death is traditionally considered the most significant life cycle transition. In Chinese culture, many rituals have evolved to help family members deal with their loss, over the past five thousand years. Confucianism taught the virtues of filial piety and righteousness. These rules and many customs added since the time of Cofucius, have been loyally followed and practiced by many Asian people. However, Buddhists have different ideas. They believe in karma and reincarnation and in predetermination of one's present life by good or bad deeds in the present life and past lives. Display of uncontrollable emotion is not encouraged. Continuity of family relations after death is very important. The ancient practice of the ancestor worship is still followed in many Asian households. Many Buddhist do not practice ancestor worship; family members honor the deceased by placing a memorial plate in the temple for continued chanting purposes. The mourning rituals have been dramatically curtailed in the past 50 years. For example, political, social and economic forces have shaped the current mourning practices of Chinese in different countries. There are many clinical implications in helping Asian to deal better with the emotional strains of the experience of loss. The therapiest must respect the cultural framework through which the client perceives family losses.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.25-44
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• 1995

Bricks are the earliest man-made building materials. Small-size bar bricks were found in use in the Warring States Period(戰國時代) in China. During the Qin(秦) and the Han(漢) Dynasties, brick constructions were built on a larger scale, but most of them were tombs. In case of Korea, bricks were found in use in the Three Kingdoms Period, but also most of them were tombs. Starting from the Unified Silla Period(統一新羅時代), brick gradually became a universal practice to built Buddhist Pagodas with bar bricks. Brick pagodas emergence marked a stage where technological progress made it possible for man to built high-rise brick work, and their dvelopment further perfected masonry technique and enabled building technology to attain new heights. Though from the very start brick pagodas existed side by side with stone pagodas, at the enitial stage they were overshadowed by their wooden counterparts and stone counterparts, because masonry thechiques were then still rather primitive, while woodwork and stonework had already reached a fairly advaced stage. The pagodas in ancient Korea were closely related to the Chinese stupa, which consisted of three parts, namely, the base, the body and the spire. The fact was, soon after the stupas were introduced into Korea, the Korean stupas began to develop features of their own. Korean brick pagodas were made up of a single-storeyed square base, multi-storeyed square body with a small gate, and a steel post with several layers of lotus flower superimposed one on the other.

• 한국의류산업학회지
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.144-152
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• 2004

In this study, the settlement of this etiquette book and the five-class mourning-costume system throughout two dynasties is examined and analyzed.; According to the Chosun dynasty's efforts to practice Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye(朱子家禮, Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals) through legal intensification and enlightenment policies, the book's teachings had a general effect on society at large. As a result, the family system and funeral rites turned Confucian from a Shaman-Buddhist mixture. As the Confucian order was strengthened to highlight the authority of the male family head, the funeral rituals were based on Chu Hsi's Book of Family Rituals. So, the 100-day funeral of Koryo turned into the 3-year funeral in the Chosun dynasty. Also, the main and father's lines were valued, while the mother's and wife's lines were neglected. Even though there was no great difference of status or place between males and females in the Koryo dynasty, the settlement of Chu-Ja-Ga-Rye brought about the drop of women's status as they gradually began to be dependent on men.