• Title/Summary/Keyword: Bronze buddha

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The Cases and Patterns of Bronze Mirrors Enshrined in Pagodas during the Five Dynasties and the Song Dynasty (중국 오대~송대 탑 내 동경 봉안 사례와 양상)

  • CHOI, Juyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.2
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    • pp.24-48
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    • 2022
  • Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

Some Views for the Buddhist Culture of Southeast Asia at Middle Ages through the Chinese Description (II) (중국문헌을 통해본 중세 동남아의 불교문화(II))

  • JOO, Su Wan
    • SUVANNABHUMI
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2012
  • This essay is for a study on the survey of buddhist cultural literary document about the Southeast Asia by Nanqishu(南齊書), Liangshu(梁書), Chiu T'angshu(舊唐書), Hsin T'ang shu(新唐書) which are included in the Chinese Official History and Jí-shénzhōu-sānbăo-găntōng-lù(集神州三寶感通錄), Weioshu Shilao Ji (魏書 釋老志). These documents allows us to imagine next some historical states. First, these documents are recording this area, especially Funan, as a plentiful diggings of gold, silver, tin, copper, etc. These are important materials for gilt bronze sculptures. Further, this local produced gold called 'Yangmai(楊邁)' is recognized as same as Zĭmòjīn(紫磨金) in china, and these documents explains the process of producing the bronze images and golden ornaments in Southeast Asia. Specially, this plentiful materials leads them to make a 10 wei(圍) tall golden-silver image which worshiped as hindu god or sometimes buddhist images. Second, Vietnam and Funan in Northern and Southern Dynasty periods were in antagonistic relationship not only in the political but also in religious between Vietnamese Hinduism and Funan's Buddhism. Under this situation, the monk Nagaxian(那伽仙) who had came from India was accredited to Southern Qi court as a delegate to build a good relationship by the common religion Buddhism. It means the Buddhism of Southeast Asia also took a role of diplomacy. Third, these documents proved the active Southeast Asian cultural exchange in early 3th century. At this time, Funan delegate Suwu(蘇物) visited the court of Kushan Dynasty in India and he is seemed to travel the city of Pātaliputra. It oppressed us to extend our outlook which have been restricted in the relationship between Southern india and Southeast Asia to more broaden area. In addition, the buddhist art of Southern India and Bodhgaya temple was imported to Southeast Asia directly to send to Southern China. For example, the wooden buddha image, Bodhgaya stupa image, and Sri Lanka style's buddha images are looked be introduced to Southern China at this time throughout the Southeast Asia. At last, we got to know that the court music of Kucha in the northern silk route was imported to the Southeast Asia in early middle age. Even it may be introduced by China, but this document is very important to make the surmise is not unreasonable that the buddhist culture of northern silk route imported to the Southeast Asia accompanied with Kucha music. The buddha images in Gandharan style which are excavated from some site of Southeast Asia may demonstrate this literary sources is authentic.

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Types and Characteristics of Fabrics of Bokjang Objects Enshrined within Wooden Buddha Statues at the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 목조불상 복장직물의 종류와 특성)

  • Hwang, Jinyoung;Park, Seungwon
    • Conservation Science in Museum
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    • v.18
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    • pp.35-50
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    • 2017
  • As part of the NMK's research project on wooden Buddha statues, four items which contained fabric among their bokjang objects(腹藏物) were investigated. Firstly, when classified by the method of weaving, two items made of ra (羅, a four-end complex gauze) silk and five of neung(綾, twill damask) silk from the Goryeo era were identified, and the satin fabrics showing characteristics of the Joseon period were classified as either dan(緞, satin damask) or sa(紗, simple gauze). In particular, the fabric of the bokjang objects enshrined within the gilt-bronze Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva(Deoksu 801) feature both early and late Joseon characteristics, suggesting that two enshrinements were performed(once in the fifteenth century and another in the seventeenth). Secondly, the patterns on the fabrics included flowers, treasures, fruits, plants with animals, and landscapes with clouds. Thirdly, patches of fabric were found that are assumed to be related with all cardinal directions according to their arrangement, albeit in small quantities.

Buddhist Sculptures from Seongbulsa Temple in Hwanghae-do Province as Seen through Gelatin Dry Plates and Archival Materials from the Collection of the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 유리건판과 기록자료로 본 황해도 성불사(成佛寺)의 불교조각)

  • Heo Hyeonguk
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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    • v.1
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    • pp.278-305
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    • 2024
  • Gelatin dry plate photographs dating to the Japanese colonial era and the official documents from the Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum in the collection of the National Museum of Korea are significant materials documenting cultural heritage in North Korea before it was severely damaged in 1950 during the Korean War. There has been an increase in recent years in studies of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea based on these photographs and documents. This paper presents some new comments on the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple in Hwangju, one of the most famous temples in Hwanghae-do Province, based on the related existing research outcomes. This paper aims to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple by chronicling its history based on historical records, examining its current status, and exploring in detail the production dates and backgrounds of the Buddhist sculptures featured on gelatin dry plates. Prior to Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945, Seongbulsa housed at least seven sculptural items: two Bodhisattva statues, four Buddha statues, and a triad. Two items are from the early Goryeo period, one is from the late Goryeo period, three are from the early Joseon period, and one is from the late Joseon period. Among them, two surviving items are noteworthy. One is the early Goryeo-era Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha photographed in Eungjinjeon Hall at Seongbulsa Temple. A close examination of a schematic drawing of the sculpture's pedestal made at the time it was photographed reveals that its material accords with the materials used for the headless Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha and pedestal currently found in the old Sangwonam Hermitage site in the Inner Geumgang Valley of Jeongbangsan Mountain. This accordance could mean that the statue is a new significant example of early Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in North Korea. The other notable sculpture is the Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad created in 1454 (the second year of the reign of King Danjong) and discovered in Geungnakjeon Hall at Seongbulsa. This statue is currently in the collection of the Sariwon History Museum in Hwanghae-do Province. It is an important example of a dated small gilt-bronze Buddhist statue from the early Joseon period found in North Korea. This paper is a case study of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea, focusing on Seongbulsa Temple. Further utilization of the National Museum of Korea's gelatin dry plates will contribute to developing the study of the history of Korean Buddhist sculpture.

The Types and Features of Formal Ritual Hats for Tibetan Buddhist Priests (티베트 승려가 착용하는 의례용 관모의 종류와 특성)

  • Kwon, Young-Suk;Lee, Kyung-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.62 no.5
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    • pp.16-30
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    • 2012
  • This study examines the types and features of formal ritual hats for Tibetan Buddhist priests. Findings of the study are as follows. The types of formal hats that Tibetan Buddhist priests wear during religious rites or rituals include: u rgyan pad zhwa, pan zhwa, tshogs zhwa, rigs inga, zhwa nag, zhwa dmar and dwags zhwa. The reason why such formal ritual hats as listed above were developed is because the region had an alpine climate, and also because they were the symbolism of Buddhism, the most reverent priest, and reincarnated Buddha thoughts. They were an essential part of the culture of dressing Buddhist statues and offering utensils. Formal ritual hats' shapes originate from lotus. They are colored in red, yellow, indigo, green, white or black, that reflect the nationality and aesthetics of Tibetans. They are mainly made of woolen or silk fabrics. They are usually decorated with gold, git bronze or jewels and the patterns of the sun and the moon, vajra or clouds.

A Study on the "Holing-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤) for the Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁)" or The Sacred Water-pot (정병 받침그릇(淨甁 承盤) 살핌 -고려불화(佛畵)-수월관음그림(水月觀音圖)으로 -)

  • Ghang, soon-hyoung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.34
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    • pp.124-136
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    • 2001
  • Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

The Development and Originality of Wind Chimes of the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대 풍탁(風鐸)의 전개와 독창성)

  • Lee, Young-sun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.292-307
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    • 2019
  • Buddhists have always tended to adorn and embellish Buddhist statues and their surrounding spaces in order to exhibit the grandeur and sublime nature of the Buddha. The various kinds of splendid instruments and implements used in such ornamentation are collectively called jangeomgu in Korean. Thus, the term jangeomgu encompasses articles used to decorate Buddhist statues, halos, and baldachin, as well as Buddhist banners and wind chimes, which are generally hung outside a building. Wind chimes are still widely used at Buddhist temples. In China, judging from various structures such as the Wooden Stupa of Yongningsi in Luoyang and the Dunhuang Caves, wind chimes began to be used around the sixth century. As for Korea, Buddhism was first introduced from China during the Three Kingdoms Period, and Koreans accordingly began to build Buddhist temples and buildings. It would appear that wind chimes came to be used around the time that the first temples were built. The oldest extant wind chime in Korea is the gilt-bronze wind chime of Baekje, discovered at the Mireuksa Temple Site in Iksan. In general, Korean wind chimes dating from the Three Kingdoms Period are classified into two general types according to their shape and elevation, i.e., those shaped like a Buddhist bell and those shaped like a trapezoid. As these two forms of wind chimes have influenced each other over time, those made during the Goryeo dynasty, having inherited the style, structure, and design of the preceding period, display such features. At the same time, the artisans who produced wind chimes pursued technical development and adopted free, yet not extravagant, designs. In particular, Goryeo wind chimes are characterized by original designs created through exchanges with other Buddhist art forms of the same period, such as the embossed lotus design band of Goryeo bells; the bullmun design, which served to display the grandeur of the royal family; the samhwanmun design, which consisted of decorating the interior of a Goryeo incense burner with three holes; Sanskrit designs; and designs inspired by the windows and doors of stone pagodas. In this way, the production of Goryeo wind chimes developed with a focus on purpose while being free of formal constraints. This study started out from the fact that the largest number of Korean wind chimes were produced during the Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, research on wind chimes should be based on those of the Goryeo dynasty, especially since fewer relevant studies have been conducted compared to studies on other forms of Buddhist art. For the purposes of this study, the reasons for the production of wind chimes will be examined first, followed by an examination of the various styles of Korean wind chimes. Then, based on the findings of this investigation, the development and characteristics of the wind chimes produced during the Goryeo dynasty will be explored for each period.