• Journal of Wetlands Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.29-44
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• 1999

Vegetation structure and distribution of the vascular hydrophytes and hygrophytes, and the growth pattern, standing crop and amounts of nutrient uptake by Salix species were investigated in the upper stream wetlands of the Namgang-Dam, Chinju-city, Gyeongsangnam-do, Korea from April to November in 1997. The flora was composed of 43 hydrophytes and 241 hygrophytes, or total 284 vascular plants. The life forms of the hydrophytes were classified as 27 kinds of emergent plants, 4 floating-leaved plants, 3 free-floating plants, and 9 submersed plants. In the herb layer, the dominant species was Persicaria hyciropiper, and the ranges of the species diversity indices (H'), equitabilities, (J') and community similarity indices (CCs) were 1.59~1.89, 0.87~0.96, and 0.35~0.83, respectively. In the shrub and subtree layers, 17 kinds of Salix species were supposed to the pioneer plants at the early stage of the succession. The number of branches per main stem of Salix species was 5.0. The DBH class-frequency histograms of Salix species were the reverse J type, and the natural regeneration of the Salix community was expected. Basal area of Salix species per square meter was $24.87cm^2$. Volume of Salix species per square meter was $12,008cm^3$ and total phytomass of the Salix species was estimated as 12,894 ton. Biomass distribution of Salix species in the stem, the branch and twig, and the leaf was 64.1%, 28.1%, and 7.8%, respectively. The amounts of nitrogen and phosphorus absorbed by Salix species were 68,022 and 19,823 kg. It was recommended that application and conservation of the wetland and other counterplans are indispensable to reduce the adverse effects of water pollution and to preserve the wetland ecosystem.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.71-89
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• 1988

This study was conducted to evaluate the effect of a growth retardant, Paclobutrazol on the growth, yield and its components. and physiological traits in peanut cv. Saeddle (early variety) and Nampung (medium variety). The results are summarized as follows : Main stem and branch length of both varieties were remarkably retarded at early growth stage application, but the retardation effect was reduced at late growth stage application. Number of branches was increased remarkably by treating 60ppm at 20days after seedling (DAS) in early variety. Lodging ill medium variety was not observed through growth period when 120ppm of Paclobutrazol was applied while lodging was not appeared between 40 DAS and 80 DAS in early variety. The numbers of riped pods in early variety was increased when application of 120ppm at 40 DAS was made while it was increased as application of 120ppm at 90 DAS in the medium variety. Cercospora leaf spot was reduced by spraying at 40 or 50 DAS regardless of concentration and varieties. Chlorophyll content and photosynthetic activity increased when paclobutrazol was applied during 40-60 DAS in early variety while these were observed at 90 DAS in medium variety. Seed weight tended to increase as paclobutrazol application was delayed. The ratio of pods to seeds was higher at 60ppm-40 DAS in early variety while it was higher at 120ppm-90 DAS in medium variety.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.132-139
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• 1995

This experiment was canied out to select the soybean of high productivity suited for soiling. and growth characterisitcs, palatability, dry matter and crude protein yield of 10 cultivars of soybean have been evaluated at the experimental forage field. College of Natural Science of Kon-Kuk University in Chungju over three years (1 989-1 09 1 ). The results obtained are summarized as follows: JangBaek showed the tallest plant length from the 70th day to 80th day during cultivation period. and BaekUn showed the tallest at 90th day. PalDal among all cultivars showed the fastest growth rate and the strongest resistant lodging during cultivation period. The stem diameter of 70th day showed highly in order of PalDal and HwangKeum > BaekUn > KwangKyo and JangYeob, the 80th day showed highly in the order of TogYu > BaekCheon > JangBaek and 90th day showed highly in order of BangSa > BaekCheon > JangYeob. Stem hardness was highly increased with increasing of cultivation period, but no significant difference were found among the soybean cultivan. Especially, BaekUn and TogYu of 90th day showed very high as 17.9 and 17.6 kg/cm2, respectively. In the number of branch, PalDal was the lowest during cultivation period(70, 80 and 90th day), and 90th day showed lower two and three times than other soybeans(P<0.05). In the leaf rate, BaekCheon showed the highest according to cultivation period and the lowest in JangBaek. The fresh yield was tended to increase by increasing cultivation period at all cultivars except KwangKyo, but no significant differences were found among cultivars. Dry matter yield of JangYeob was the highest as 5, 861 kg/ ha at 70th day, and that of KwangKyo and TogYu was the highest as 7, 471 and 10, 603 kgha at 80th and 90th day, respectively. Relative palatability of 70th days showed very high at all soybean cultivars(81-100%), and that of 80th and 90th day showed the highest at TogYu, while showed the lowest at PalDal. In crude protein content of the 70th, 80th and 90th day, DanYeob, JangYeob and HwangKeum were the highest as 20.1, 17.9 and 20.4 percentage, respectively. Crude protein yield during cultivation period showed the highest at JangYeob(7Oth : 1, 068, 80th : 1, 211, 90th : 1, 882 kglha), but showed the lowest at BangSa(70th : 61 1, 80th : 814, 90th : 1, 078 kg/ha).

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.189-228
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• 2014

The purpose of this research was to summarize Korea and China's researches on Noh and to examine main domain in this field, by investigating the academic books and articles published in two countries. In 1960s, since Nohgaku has been introduced to China, academic articles on Zeami's theories and aesthetics have emphasized on aesthetic characteristics of Chinese plays and Japanese Nohgaku through the similarities of oriental plays. The number of researches on Kabuki is almost twice as that of researches on Noh in China. While most researches on Kabuki were compared with the styles and music of Pecking Opera and the theatrical theories of liyu[李漁], those on Noh has been highlighted the comparative studies on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$[謠曲], Chinese Noh plays. The main difference among the researches on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ in Korea and China was the material regarding characters of Noh. Because song yuanzaju[宋 元雜劇]and Nohgaku in Chinese-Japanese plays were the mature form of the classic plays and those were representative of traditional nation plays, this researches tried to ascertain the cultural origins of two countries regarding the aesthetic characteristics by referencing lyrical and narrative features[曲詞] of yuanzaju[元雜劇]and the classic waka of Nohgaku. While the comparative studies on Noh and song yuanzaju and kunqu[昆劇] in China were prevalent, national researches have emphasized on the inner world of the main character and dramaturgy through the verbal description of Noh. Especially, this research tried to investigate the inner world of the main character and the intention of the writers through the verbal description of Noh authorized in the history of the works. Also, the researches on Buddhism in the Middle Ages and religious background were examined significantly. In addition, the $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ has influenced on European modern playwrights and the comparative studies between the materials of $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ and Western modern plays were concerned. In Korea, the comparative studies on Noh between Korea abd Japan has been most focused on the origin theory of Noh. The fact that appearance theory of Noh had originated from Sangaku was common opinion among Korean, Chinese, and Japanese scholars. However, they are agree with the opinion that according to the formation of the different genres, Noh's mainstream was different among three countries despite of the same origin. Yuan drama and Noh play have the same origin, but different branch. In relation to the Noh's origin theory, there are literature comparative studies in religious background, the studies presumed the origin of instrumental music related to those in mask plays, and the comparative studies between Korean mask plays and $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ of Nohgaku. Kyogen is the Comedy inserted among the stories in Nohgaku performed in just one day. Therefore, $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ must be discussed separately from the relations of 'shite[任手]'s inner action veiled with masks. This research figured out that the lacking points of the two countries' researches were the acting methods of Noh. Academic articles written by foreign scholars studying Korean and Chinese theatres should be included when this issue will be dealt with. In Korea and China, translation studies and writings regarding Nohgaku have studied by those who are major in Japanese literature or oriental literature. This case is the same in Korea in that scholars whose speciality is not theatre, but Japanese literature has studied. Therefore, this present study can give a good grasp of whole tendency on Nohgaku's research in theatre fields.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.59-70
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to present raw data to systematically and rationally manage the protected trees located in Changwon-si, Korea. This study investigated about the present condition and the information of location, individual, management, health and soil. The results are as follows. The protected trees were located in 26 spots, and species of trees were 9 taxa; Zelkova serrata, Celtis sinensis, Aphananthe aspera, Ginkgo biloba, Carpinus tschonoskii, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis, Quercus variabilis, Pinus densiflora and Salix glandulosa. In protected tree types, shade trees were the most, and the majority of theirs were 200 years or more in age. The range of altitude was 14~173m, and the number of trees located in flat fields was the most. For location types, village and field and mountain were presented in the order and, in land use, land for building was the most. The range of height was 8.0~30.0m, 0.6~5.1m in crown height, 240~700cm in diameter of breast and 210~800cm in diameter of root. In case of crown area, Zelkova serrata of No.5 was most large. The status boards were mostly installed except No.23 and No.26. The sites with fence were 9 spots, and the site with stonework were 14 spots. The sites with the support beam were 5 spots, and most sites were not covered up with soil. The materials of bottom were soil, gravel and vegetation in the order. The range of withering branch rate was 0~40%, and peeled bark rate was 0~60%. The sites made holes were 23 spots, and the hole size of Aphananthe aspera of No.12 was the largest. The sites disturbed by human trampling were 7 spots, the sites by disease and insects of 2 spots, the sites by injury of 23 spots and the sites by exposed roots of 13 spots. In the results of soil analysis, there showed that acidity was pH 4.5~8.0, organic matter content of 3.5~69.8g/kg, electrical conductivity(EC) of 0.11~2.87dS/m, available $P_2O_5$ of 3.0~490.6mg/kg, exchangeable K of 0.10~1.05cmol+/kg, exchangeable Ca of 1.41~16.45cmol+/kg, exchangeable Mg of 0.37~1.96cmol+/kg, exchangeable Na of 0.25~2.41cmol+/kg and cation exchange capacity(C.E.C) of 8.35~26.55cmol+/kg.

• Journal of Korean Tunnelling and Underground Space Association
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.431-449
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• 2022

As many tunnels generally have been constructed, various experiences and techniques have been accumulated for tunnel design as well as tunnel construction. Hence, there are not a few cases that, for some usual tunnel design works, it is sufficient to perform the design by only modifying or supplementing previous similar design cases unless a tunnel has a unique structure or in geological conditions. In particular, for a tunnel blast design, it is reasonable to refer to previous similar design cases because the blast design in the stage of design is a preliminary design, considering that it is general to perform additional blast design through test blasts prior to the start of tunnel excavation. Meanwhile, entering the industry 4.0 era, artificial intelligence (AI) of which availability is surging across whole industry sector is broadly utilized to tunnel and blasting. For a drill and blast tunnel, AI is mainly applied for the estimation of blast vibration and rock mass classification, etc. however, there are few cases where it is applied to blast pattern design. Thus, this study attempts to automate tunnel blast design by means of machine learning, a branch of artificial intelligence. For this, the data related to a blast design was collected from 25 tunnel design reports for learning as well as 2 additional reports for the test, and from which 4 design parameters, i.e., rock mass class, road type and cross sectional area of upper section as well as bench section as input data as well as16 design elements, i.e., blast cut type, specific charge, the number of drill holes, and spacing and burden for each blast hole group, etc. as output. Based on this design data, three machine learning models, i.e., XGBoost, ANN, SVM, were tested and XGBoost was chosen as the best model and the results show a generally similar trend to an actual design when assumed design parameters were input. It is not enough yet to perform the whole blast design using the results from this study, however, it is planned that additional studies will be carried out to make it possible to put it to practical use after collecting more sufficient blast design data and supplementing detailed machine learning processes.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.69 no.1
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• pp.34-48
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• 2024

The objective of this study was to evaluate the safety of biodegradable mulching films in soybean (Glycine max) cultivation by measuring their effects on crop growth and yield, film decomposition and soil chemical and physical properties. In 2022 and 2023, plant height, branch number, chlorophyll contents, yield components, and yield of soybean did not vary significantly in areas using PE films and biodegradable mulching films. The light transmission rate of the biodegradable mulching films ranged from 6.4 to 15.8% when measured 112 days after soybean transplanting, and was higher, on average, in 2023 than in 2022. In both years, degradation of the biodegradable mulching films began 20 days after soybean transplantation and increased over time. In addition, remains of biodegradable mulching films were present in fields at soybean harvest and remained until 50 days after harvest. Decomposition rates of the biodegradable mulching films at 112 days after soybean transplanting ranged from 9.8 to 26.7% in 2022 and 13 to 36% in 2023. Although soil pH and EC varied based on the year and timing of measurements, there was no significant difference between areas that used biodegradable mulching films and PE films. Soil organic matter, nitrate and exchangeable cation contents such as Ca, Mg, and K were not significantly different in areas that used both PE films and biodegradable films. However, significantly higher levels of available phosphoric acid content were measured in areas that used biodegradable mulch films E, S, and T. Regardless of which films were used, there were no significant differences in the soil's physical properties. In 2022 and 2023, there was no difference between areas that used biodegradable mulch films and PE films. However, soil temperature in mulched areas was 2℃ higher and soil moisture was 5-15% higher than in non-mulched areas. Barley growth was not affected by being planted in soil that had been used for soybean cultivation with biodegradable films. Therefore, the biodegradable mulch films used in this study can be used without negatively affecting the growth, yield, and soil environment of soybeans.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.177-186
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• 1970

The spawning of the abalone, Haliotis discus hannai, was induced In October 1969 by air ex-position for about 30 minutes. At temperatures of from 14.0 to $18.8^{\circ}C$, the youngest trochophore stage was reached within 22 hours after the egg was laid. The trochophore was transformed into the veliger stage within 34 hours after fertilization. For $7\~9$ days after oviposition the veliger floated in sea water and then settled to the bottom. The peristomal shell was secreted along the outer lip of the aperture of the larval shell, and the first respiratory pore appears at about 110 days after fertilization. The shell attained a length of 0.40 mm in 15 days, 1.39 mm in 49 days, 2.14 mm in 110 days, 5.20 mm in 170 days and 10.00 mm in 228 days respectively. Monthly growth rate of the shell length is expressed by the following equation :$L=0.9981\;e^{0.18659M}$ where L is shell length and M is time in month. The density of floating larvae in the culture tank was about 10 larvae per 100 co. The number of larvae attached to a polyethylene collector ($30\times20\;cm$) ranged from 10 to 600. Mortality of the settled larvae on the polyethylene collector was about $87.0\%$ during 170 days following settlement. The culture of Nauicula sp. was made with rough polyethylene collectors hung at three different depths, namely 5 cm, 45 cm and 85 cm. At each depth the highest cell concentration appeared after $15\~17$ days, and the numbers of cells are shown as follows: $$5\;cm\;34.3\times10^4\;Cells/cm^2$$ $$45\;cm\;27.2\times10^4\;Cells/cm^2$$ $$85\;cm\;26.3\times10^4\;Cells/cm^2$$ At temperatures of from 13.0 to $14.3^{\circ}C$, the distance travelled by the larvae (3.0 mm In shell length) averaged 11.36 mm for a Period of 30 days. Their locomation was relatively active between 6 p.m. and 9 p.m., and $52.2\%$ of them moved during this period. When the larvae (2.0 mm in shell length) were kept in water at $0\;to\;\~1.8^{\circ}C$, they moved 1.15cm between 4 p.m. and 8 p.m. and 0.10 cm between midnight and 8 a.m. The relationships between shell length and body weight of the abalone sampled from three different localities are shown as follows: Dolsan-do $W=0.2479\;L^{2.5721}$ Huksan-do $W=0.1001\;L^{3.1021}$ Pohang $W=0.9632\;L^{2.0611}$

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.