• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.251-261
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• 2018

Under the great influence of ICT technology, China is forging ahead steadily and rapidly in the area of smart farming. In the last decade, Chinese government has carried out strategic plans to promote its economic development in agriculture, such as the plan of Made In China 2025 and One Belt One Road initiative. This thesis's objective is to analyze how such plans and initiative can provide 'windows of opportunity' to the development of smart farming industry in China. China led the development of smart agriculture by making a T-shaped rise which is composed with 'One Belt One Road Initiative and Made in China 2025 Plan. This thesis is divided into three types as path-following catch-up, path-skipping catch-up, path-creating catch-upAs this thesis also manages to provide some implications on the export strategies of South Korea's smart farming industry by understanding chinese samrt farm industry.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.91-118
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is China's contribution to the need for the world to collectively address deficits of peace, development, governance, and problems relating to climate, the environment and human health. The rise of China and the BRI do challenge the current 'rules-based global order' and the economic dominance and moral, political, economic, and cultural leadership of the United States and its allies. However, China's goal is not hegemony but a multipolar world in which common values coexist with principles of peaceful coexistence (including non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states). The evolution of the BRI is outlined, and the ways in which it reflects Chinese interests are summarized, including its roles in addressing natural resource dependence and excess capacity, a transition from investment promotion and factor-intensive growth to going out and industrial upgrading, going West, and the effective deployment of China's foreign exchange assets. Although China does therefore potentially gain, the BRI is designed so that partners also gain in a quest for win-win co-operation and mutual benefit. The values that underlie this approach and the call for a community with a shared future are compared with competing western values, whose roots lie in Enlightenment thought and are associated with a record of colonialism and imperialism. In this light, the article concludes with a consideration of the global implications of the BRI, the challenges it confronts and the likelihood that the unipolar moment will give way to a multipolar global development path.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.229-238
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• 2022

The goal of this research is to look at the Belt and Road Initiative's (BRI) goals, principles, and priorities, as well as criticisms and concerns. Another goal is to determine the Vietnamese government's best response to the BRI. Finally, the study looks at the Vietnamese viewpoint. Document review is used in conjunction with PESTELED analysis and EIU country risk model technique in this study. The study is focused on in-depth interviews with 38 top government leaders, researchers, and scholars by adopting the Delphi technique to determine major factors of risks and opportunities as well as obtain a clearer view on the Vietnamese perspective of the BRI. The main conclusion is that Vietnam's participation in the BRI could result in a variety of benefits and risks, including economic development, connectivity and integration, development finance, cooperation, coordination, trade facilitation, and people-to-people communication, as well as diplomatic and political risks, financial risks, environmental challenges, and job creation. Another conclusion is suggested that careful and case-by-case negotiation with China is needed for Vietnam to exploit the future benefits of BRI. There is a need to set up the strategy to mitigate the risk impacts, reduce the risk level, avoid risk, at last turn the risk into opportunities.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.35-54
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• 2020

China's 'One Belt One Road' initiative has had a profound impact on China's relationship with Central Asia, which shares borders at North-western region. Central Asia plays an important role in securing the export market of Chinese products, supply of raw materials, and transportation route to Europe. The inland port is of significance to facilitate the development of logistics, trade and industry in the surrounding areas by enabling the distribution and import and export clearance in the region by performing the role of the seaport on the hinterland. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of the development of inland ports in central and western China on the geopolitical relationship between China and Central Asia. To this end, we analyze the status of inland port development in China's Midwest by employing the SWOT-PEST analysis method to analyze the current status as well as prospects of trade, investment and transportation routes with Central Asia in terms of geopolitics. As a result of the analysis, the relations between China and Central Asian Countries are becoming more politically and economically close, but it has brought about serious challenges by domestic and foreign environmental changes. Therefore, the development of the inland ports in central and western China are determined by the geopolitical relations under 'One Belt One Road' initiative between China and Central Asia, while the development of the inland port is also expected to serve as a catalyst for the development of both regions.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.7
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• pp.335-347
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• 2019

China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is a mega-infrastructure project that connects China and the Eurasian Economies Area by overland and sea routes. Therefore, if it goes smoothly, It will be a new engine for economic development in China and the world, and It is expected to be a factor that will change the structure of the international economy. Especially, the Eurasian continent is likely to develop into the center of the global economy. But China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is not only macro and long-term, but also implies complexity, making it hard to be optimistic about development. China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is not only strongly promoted as a long-term national development strategy to be completed by 2049, but also strong economic complementarity between China and 'One Belt and One Load' consecutive countries. And many of the successive countries are expecting 'One Belt and One Load' construction. Therefore, there is no possibility at all. In particular, the possibility of development can not be completely ruled out, given the various policies of 'One Belt and One Load' currently being pursued by China. Even if it doesn't go smoothly, the process alone will have significant economic effects on China and neighboring countries, so it will be meaningful. With the help of information technology.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.409-422
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• 2022

The purpose of this paper is to explore how the country-of-origin image mediates the effect of national stereotypes along two dimensions of perceived competence and warmth, on consumers' consumption behaviors, especially in today's environment, the capricious COVID-19 and the deepening and expanding "The Belt and Road" initiative. Research design, data, and methodology: After collecting 1500 primary data from twelve countries along the 21^st - Century Maritime Silk Road, this paper conducts ANOVA and SEM in SPSS25.0 and AMOS 24.0 separately to analyze measurements, structural models, and hypotheses via using 1277 final samples. The mediation results illustrate the asymmetric dominance of the two dimensions of national stereotypes, indicating that the country-of-origin image shows the complementary mediation in the effect of perceived competence on purchase intention; whereas, the country-of-origin image holds the indirect-only mediation in the impact of perceived warmth on purchase intention. The results of the moderation show that the effect of country-of-origin image on purchase intention is more significant for consumers who perceive COVID-19 in China to be of lesser severity than those who believe it to be of higher severity. Based on the paper's results, some implications for practice and theory are highlighted.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-16
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• 2017

China has achieved rapid economic growth in the late 1970s with economic reform and open-door policy. China's economic growth began initially in the eastern coastal areas and from the 2000s expanded to the western and northeastern regions where the economy was relatively underdeveloped. In particular, in 2013 'One-Belt One Road' initiative proposed by Xi Jinping, the current General Secretary of the Communist Party of China is not only a key strategy for China's advancement into the world and also provides important opportunities for the development of these backward regions. Inland Port is the inland logistics hub and plays a crucial role in enhancing access to maritime ports as well as access to adjacent inland countries. Therefore, a number of inland ports have been developed and operated in order to enter into overseas markets and secure resources in the northeastern and western regions of China. This study aims to examine the role and development of inland port in 'One-Belt One Road' scheme. In conclusion, 'One-Belt One Road' will further increase the role of inland port, and in response, the development of inland port will play a pivotal role in one belt one road initiative. In this respect, Korean companies need to consider plans to participate in the development and operation of inland ports in China, which would provide opportunities to spread Northern markets including China, Russia, Central Asia, Eastern Europe.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.11
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• pp.145-155
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• 2021

This study examines the export competitiveness of four major natural rubber exporters in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) region and investigates the factors affecting bilateral natural rubber export. This study utilized the revealed symmetric comparative advantage (RSCA) to measure export competitiveness. Next, this study employed the gravity model using the Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation to analyze the factors affecting bilateral export from the four major natural rubber exporters to 46 countries in the region. The analysis is conducted by using annual data from 2001 till 2018. The findings showed that all four major exporters maintained their export competitiveness. Indonesia and Vietnam notably exhibited increasing trends in the early 2000s. Besides, the market share for Malaysia and Vietnam have increased from 2013 to 2015 with the BRI implementation in 2013. In addition, this study discovered that non-tariff measures (NTM) have a positive and significant impact on the bilateral export of natural rubber. The overall findings strongly indicate that the natural rubber export has increased post BRI announcement. The outcome highlighted the benefits of BRI implementation on the natural rubber export. This study is the first attempt to apply the gravity model on the natural rubber exports within the BRI region.