• The Journal of Korean Society for School & Community Health Education
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• v.6
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• pp.17-34
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to examine the sex-consciousness and sexual values of school children by geographic region. It's specifically attempted to make a comparative analysis of sex-consciousness and sexual values between urban and rural elementary schoolers to help provide efficient sex education for them to build the right sexual values. The subjects in this study were 400 elementary schoolers in their sixth year of elementary schools located in Danyang-gun and Chungju city, north Chungcheong province. After a survey was conducted, answer sheets from 387 students that were analyzable were analyzed. For data handling, SPSS program was employed, and t-test was utilized to see if there's any differences between the urban and rural elementary school youngsters in sex consciousness and sexual values. And $x^2$ test was used to make a comparative analysis of their view of sex education. The findings of the study were as follows : First, regarding sex-consciousness, they had general knowledge on sex. Especially, they were highly aware of sexual violence and the generation of baby, but many of them didn't know about where and how egg cells were produced. This indicated that systematic education should be offered in various ways. Concerning geographic gap, there was a significant difference in sexual knowledge between the urban and rural students. As to sexual attitude, they took a relatively positive attitude toward display of affection or sex-related talk on TV or in movies, as they viewed it as natural. This finding implied that the elementary schoolers were recipient toward sex and took an active attitude toward sexual expressions. Concerning geographic gap, there was no difference between the rural and urban students. As for sexual practices, the largest group of the students had a liking for the opposite sex, which showed that their needs for sex were unveiled in the course of having some trouble due to the other sex rather than through firsthand experiences or activities. As to geographic gap, there was a significant difference between the urban and rural students in that regard. Besides, the urban students put their sex-consciousness in practice more often than the rural students did. After they are educated to build the right sexual values, systematic sex-education programs should also be offered for them to be exposed to sustained sex education and to team how to apply their sex-consciousness to real life. Second, as for sexual values, the school children had relatively positive and equalitarian sexual values. Regarding geographic gap, there were significant gaps between the two groups' view of the opposite sex, sexual roles and chastity. Concerning view of the opposite sex, they attached more importance to the inner aspects of the opposite sex than his or her look, and they wanted to date in a natural manner. Regarding sexual roles, they were relatively well cognizant of gender equity and the importance of male and female roles. As to view of chastity, they looked upon sex as natural, not as what's ugly or ashamed of. Third, concerning their outlook on sex education, approximately more than half the students felt the needs for sex education, and there was a significant difference between the urban and rural students. They wanted to receive education about the prevention of sexual violence and physical changes during puberty the most, and there was a significant gap between the urban and rural students in this aspect. As to the time for sex education, they thought that students should start to be exposed to sex education in their fifth or sixth year. This finding signified that fifth or sixth graders who were in the beginning of puberty started to have a lot of interest in their own physical changes. Therefore, sex education would produce better effects when it's provided to fifth or sixth graders. Nearly half them preferred single-gender class when they received sex education, and there's no gap between the urban and rural students in that regard.

• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.71-77
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• 1988

To improve the storage method for kimchi, optimal ripening kimchi was irradiated with doses of 1, 3, 5kGy Co-60gamma radiation, followed by the microbiological, physicochemical and senosory evaluations during storage at $5^{\circ}C$. 1. Total aerobic count increased in the beginning of storage and then decreased slowly as the number of total lactobacilli (anaerobe) increased. The above, total aerobic and lactobacilli were reduced by 1 to 3 log cycles with irradiation and at the 90th day after storage the number of total lactobacilli remained $1.30{\times}10^{8}$ per ml in 3 kGy irradiated group. Irradiation treatment at 3 kGy sterilized coliforms and molds contaminating the sample as the level of $2.0{\times}10^{4}$ per ml and $5.4{\times}10^{2}$ per ml respectively and no apparent growth was observed in both control and 1 kGy irradiated groups after 20 days of storage. The population of yeast, $3.5{\times}10^{3}$ per ml initially, increased steadily during kimchi storage and at 90 days of storage the number was shown to be $5.6{\times}10^{4}$ per ml and $6.5{\times}10^{2}$ per ml in control and 3 kGy irradiated groups, respectively. 2. In the physicochemical changes during kimchi storage, pH, acidity and volatile acid of non-irradiated control at the 45th day after storage were 4.0, 0.7% and 0.066%, while those of 3 kGy irradiated group were 4.2, 0.59 and 0.06% at the 90th day of storage, respectively. The reducing sugar content of all stored samples changed inversely total acidity content, indicating irradiation delayed the changes of them. The amount of ascorbic acid decreased gradually with the storage time and irradiation dose increase. Textural parameters of 3 kGy irradiated group were superior to those of other groups at the latter stage of storage. 3. Sensory evaluations showed that 3 kGy irradiation was the optimum dose level to extend the shelf-life of kimchi more than two months as compared to control.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.517-534
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• 2007

Since the beginning of human society, there have always been struggles and competitions for survival and prosperity, terrorism is not a recent phenomenon, however in modern times it has progressed to reflect the advances in civilization and power structures. At the time of the 9.11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. A., a new world order was in the process of being established after the breakdown of the Cold War era. The attacks drove both the Western and the Islamic worlds into heightened fear of terrorism and war, which threatened the quality of life of the whole mankind. Through two war campaigns against the Islamic world, it seems the U.S. has been pushing its own militaristic security road map of the Greater Middle East democratic initiative, justifying it as a means to retaliate and eradicate the terrorist threats towards themselves. However, with its five-year lopsided victories that cost the nation almost four thousand military casualties, and the war expenses that could match the Vietnam war, the U.S. does not yet seem to be totally emancipated from the fears of terrorism. Terrorism, in itself, is a means of resisting forced rules a form of alternative competition by the weak against the strong, and a way of expressing a dismissive response against dictatorial ideas or orders which allow for no normal changes. Intrinsically, the nature of terrorism is a reaction opposing power logics. Confronted with the absolute military power of the U.S., the Islamic strategies of terrorism have begun to rapidly evolve into a new stage. The new strategies take advantage of their civilization and circumstances, they train and inspire their front-line fighters on the Internet, and issue their orders through the clandestine network of the Al Qaeda operatives. These spontaneously generated strategies have been gained speed among the second, and third Islamic generations, many of whom are now spread throughout western societies. This represents a failure of the power-driven, one-sided overseas security initiatives by the U.S., and is creating a culture of fear and distrust in western societies. It is feared that the U.S. war campaigns have made the clash of religions far worse than before, and may ever lead to global ethnic separations and large-scale population movements. Eventually, it may result in the terrorist groups, enlarged and secretly supported by the huge sums of oil money, driving all mankind into a series of irreparable catastrophes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.45 no.5
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• pp.60-70
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• 2017

This study traces the development of physic gardens in Korea and explores their significance in the history of landscape architecture. For this purpose, records related to physic gardens from medical sources from the period of the Three States to the Joseon dynasty, when herbal medicine was systematized as a field, were searched. Physic gardens had been developed by the time of the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties, in the 13th and the 15th centuries. Yakpo(kitchen gardens for medicinal herbs) were cultivated by a group of new high-level officials in the late Goryeo dynasty, when an increasing interest in hyangyak(native herbs) emerged under the influence of the Neo-Confucian perspective on nature, which emphasized locality. The sources analyzed in this study confirm that physic gardens called jong-yakjeon(royal medicinal herb gardens) were in operation in the early Joseon dynasty when policies to investigate, discover, cultivate, and research native herbs were put into place. It is likely that the jong-yakjeon were established at the beginning of the Joseon dynasty as subsidiary facilities under its central medical institutions, the Naeuiwon and Hyeminseo, and then declined in the late Joseon dynasty. Jong-yakjeon can be confirmed to have existed in the mid-15th century. Physic gardens were located in several places outside the Fortress Wall of Hanyang, such as Yakhyeon, Yuldo, Yeoudo, and Saari. The total area encompassed by physic gardens was about 160,000 square meters in the early 18th century. In jong-yakjeon, dozens of medicinal herbs were cultivated, including Schizonepeta tenuifolia var. japonica, Rehmannia glutinosa, and Glycyrrhiza uralensis Fischer, and these gardens were operated by physicians dispatched from the Naeuiwon and dozens of provincial slaves. In conclusion, the jong-yakjeon were similar to the physic gardens of Renaissance medical universities in that they reflected the interest in and development of theories about new herbs, and were similar to the physic gardens of medieval castles and monasteries in terms of species types, location, and function. This paper has limitations in that it does not present the specific spatial forms of the yakpo or the jong-yakjeon. Nevertheless, this paper is significant for the field of garden history because it shows that physic gardens in Korea appeared in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties concomitantly with the development of medicine towards native herbs and functioned as utilitarian gardens to cultivate community remedies.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.225-232
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• 1988

To improve the storage method for Kimchi, optimal ripening Kimchi was irradiated with doses of 1,3,5 kGy Co-GO gamma radiation, followed by the microbiological, physicochemical and sensory evaluations during storage at $5^{\circ}C$. 1. Total aerobic count increased in the beginning of storage and then decreased slowly as the number of total lactobacilli (anaerobe) increased. The above total aerobic and lactobacilli were reduced by 1 to 3 log cycles with irradiation and at the 90th day after storage the number of total lactobacilli remained $1.30{\times}10^{8}\;per\;ml$ in3 kGy irradiated group. Irradiation treatment at 3 kGy sterilized coli forms and molds contaminating the sample as the level of $2.0{\times}10^{4}\;per\;ml\;and\;5.4{\times}10^{2}\;per\;ml$, respectively and no apparent growth was observed in both control and 1 kGy irradiated groups after 20 days of storage. The population.of yeast, $3.5{\times}10^{3}\;per\;ml$ initially, in, creased steadily during Kimchi storage and at 90 days of storage the number was shown to be $5.6{\times}10^{4}\;per\;ml\;and\;6.5{\times}10^{2}\;per\;ml$ in control and 3 kGy irradiated groups, respectively. 2. In the physicochemical changes during Kimchi storage, pH, acidity and volatile acid of non-irradiated control at the 45th day after storage were 4.0,0.7% and 0.066%, while those of 3 kGy irradiated group were 4.2, 0.59 and 0.06% at the 90th day of storage, respectively. The reducing sugar content of all stored samples changed inversely total acidity content, indicating irradiation delayed the changes of them. The amount of aseorbic acid decreased gradually with the storage time and irradiation dose increase. Textural parameters of 3 kGy irradiated group were superior to those of other groups at the latter stage of storage. 3. Sensory evaluations showed that 3 kGy irradiation was the optimum dose level to extend tite shelf-life of Kimchi more than two months as compared to control.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.91-120
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• 2018

This study was contemplated about an aspects of modernity that was discovered of ImcheonByeolgok(林川別曲) written by Okgukjae Lee, Un-young in 18th Century. It was composed time that unprecedented state in the 18th century. So, I considered that Modernity was the most appeared at 18th Century. During this period, Changes has happened in ideology and system in terms of politics, economy, society and culture. This change is the beginning of a new modern consciousness. There is also a tendency to think of Imcheonbyeolgok as the autobiographical story of Lee, Yun-young. It seems that Lee, Yun-young has a progressive scholarly thought, but he did not reveal his own situation by insulting him. Therefore, I am not realistically valid for being able to see it as an autobiographical story that he actually experienced. Also, although ImcheonByeolgok is known as a love song, it is hard to see it as a love song because its satirical features are strong. and It is characterized by the peculiar form of narrative being described as a dialogue. I picked two aspects of modernity in ImcheonByeolgok. One is resistance to love and desire, and the other is disintegration of the order of identity. The two aspects of this paper were presented as Greimas's Actant Model. ImcheonByeolgok is the result of efforts to show the changing modern Joseon Dynasty's elements in the form of resistance and resistance to Joseon's feudal society, such as Confucian ideology and identity systems. Thus, I suggested the corrupt ruling class of Joseon's feudal society and the exploited working class life as an old living and a grandmother instead of 'resistance' and 'disposal' in the 18th century. The criticism of traditional feudal societies that emerged in the 18th century turned out to be a hegemony that distinguishes the Middle Ages from the Modern Age, which resulted in differences between the ages before and after the 18th century. Although these hegemony were not clearly distinguished in household literature in the 18th century, it was established and developed in the 19th century. I suggested that Lim's Star Song was an important work that played an important role in bringing about this change.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.89-98
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• 2008

The purpose of this study was to suggest the basic data for establishment of wildflower pastures. The experimental design includes two treatments: Native wildflower pasture (NWP, Kentucky bluegrass + native wildflower 8 species) and Introduced wildflower pasture (IWP, Kentucky bluegass + introduced wildflower 24 species). The field trials were carried out on the experimental pastures plots at Chungnam National University throughout from Sep. 2006 to Dec. 2007. The results obtained are as fellows: In terms of the flower color in the wildflower pastures, the IWP was found more various than the NWP. But such problems as seasonal distribution and continuity were raised and moreover the time of flowering depended mainly upon the spring season. Even though the flower color in the NWP did not show up its variousness, seasonal distribution and continuity were found comparatively satisfactory. To perennially maintain the botanical composition, the variousness of wildflower species are found important after examining locally the beginning rearing and flowering characteristics of wildflowers as well as the basic turfgrass. Moreover, when the wildflower pastures was constructed in autumn, since most of the introduced wildflower were annuals, it maintained various botanical composition before wintering, but after wintering the botanical composition were found simplified due to the winter tolerance. The NWP did not show any problems in the winter tolerance but it could not make the botanical composition diversified. Accordingly, to maintain the wildflower pasture for many years, diversifying wildflower species based upon perennials including annuals seems to be good.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.14-26
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• 2011

Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.269-276
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• 1996

A theroretical study was made on the psychodynamism of somatoform disorder. Somatoform disorder is caused by a defense mechanism of somatization. Somatization is the tendency to react to stimuli(drives, defenses, and conflict between them) physically rather than psychically(Moore, 1990). Ford(1983) said it is a way of life, and Dunbar(1954) said it is the shift of psychic energy toward expression in somatic symptoms. As used by Max Shur(1955), somatization links symptom formation to the regression that may occur in response to acute and chronic conflict. In the neurotic individual psychic conflict often provokes regressive phenomena that may include somatic manifestations characteristic of an earlier developmental phase. Schur calls this resomatization. Pain is the most common example of a somatization reaction to conflict. The pain has an unconscious significance derived from childhood experiences. It is used to win love, to punish misdeeds, as well as a means to amend. Among all pains, chest pain has a special meaning. Generally speaking, 'I have pain in my chest' is about the same as 'I have pain in my mind'. The chest represent the mind, and the mind reminds us about the heart. So we have a high tendency to recognize mental pain as cardiac pain. Kellner(1990) said rage and hostility, especially repressed hostility, are important factors in somatization. In 'Psychoanalytic Observation on Cardiac Pain', psychoanalyst Bacon(1953) presented clinical cases of patients who complained of cardiac pain in a psychoanalytic session that spread from the left side of their chests down their left arms. The pain was from rage and fear which came after their desire to be loved was frustrated by the analyet. She said desires related to cardiac pain were dependency needs and aggressions. Empatic relationship and therapeutic alliances are indispensable to psychotherapy in somatoform disorder. The beginning of therapy is to discover a precipitating event from the time their symptoms have started and to help the patient understand a relation between the symptom and precipitating event. Its remedial process is to find and interpret a intrapsychic conflict shown through the symptoms of the patient. Three cases of somatoform disorder patients treated based on this therapeutic method were introduced. The firt patient, Mr. H, had been suffering from hysterical aphasia with repressed rage as ie psychodynamic cause. An interpretation related to the precipitating event was given by written communication, and he recovered from his aphasia after 3 days of the session. The second patient was a dentist in a cardiac neurosis with agitation and hypochondriasis, whose psychodynamism was caused by a fear that he might lose his father's love. His symptom was also interpreted in relation to the precipitating event. It showed the patient a child-within afraid of losing his father's love. His condition improved after getting a didactic interpretation which told him, to be master of himself, The third patient was a lady transferred from the deparment of internal medicine. She had a frequent and violent fit of chest pains, whose psychodynamic cause was separation anxiety and a rage due to the frustration of dependency needs. Her symptom vanished dramatically when she wore a holler EKG monitor and did not occur during monitoring. By this experience she found her symptom was a psychogenic one, and a therapeutic alliance was formed. later in reguar psychotherapy sessions, she was told the relaton between symptoms and precipitating events. Through this she understood that her separation anxiety was connected to the symptom and she became less terrifide when it occurred. Now she can travel abroad and take well part in social activities.