• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.364-371
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• 2018

In the 1960s, both South and North Korea needed to stabilize their regimes, and propaganda films were at the core of establishing this purpose. South Korea claimed legitimacy of a military government and called for service to fulfill the government's mission of the era, while North Korea emphasized the impeccability of their leader and the superiority of their socialist system. This study investigates image reproduction strategies used in South and North Korean propaganda films at the time under the context of domestic and foreign environments in the 1960s. First, South and North Korea portrayed their rulers as a strong leader and friendly leader, respectively, to establish legitimacy. Second, South and North Korea tried to image the same incident from different views in order to instill the spirit of age defined from their own perspectives. Third, propaganda films at the time portrayed desirable images of citizens (people) and visualized a flawless government. Authoritarian governments in South and North Korea in the 1960s facilitated the establishment of the so-called official society through propaganda films.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.337-357
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• 2009

Ned Kelly, the bushranger, is a legendary figure of special significance to the Australians of today. The Aussies' affection for this "horse thief" derives from the fact that the latter has become a national ideal of the "battler" who does not give up in the face of hardships. Peter Carey's is considered to be one of the "national narratives" that not only heroize but also give voice to the Irish rebels who fought for "fair go" in the colonial Australia. However, this paper asserts that there are more to the novel than merely paying a tribute to the national icon, especially when the novel is examined in the context of the "republic controversy." In 1999, the preceding year of the novel's publication, Australia had a national referendum on the issue of whether or not to secede from the Commonwealth. Due to the procedural manipulation of the royalist ruling party, republicanism was voted down. At the time when the majority of Australians were irate with the result of the referendum, Carey's retelling of the supposedly anti-British rebel failed to promote the lost cause. This paper investigates how the narrativization of the legendary figure, whose anti-British and anti-authoritarian attitude can be easily translated into the cause of republicanism, came to appeal to the general reading public. In so doing, this paper compares Carey's novel with the historical Kelly's two epistles: Jerilderie and Cameron Letter. This comparison brings to light what is left out in the process of Carey's narrativization of the rebel's life: the subversive militant voice of an Irish nationalist. The conclusion of this paper is that the possibility for Kelly's life to surface again in the 21st century as a sort of counter-memory is contained by Carey through its inclusion in a highly personalized domestic narrative.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.5
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• pp.39-47
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine the progress of negotiations between the two countries regarding the implementation of AFKN's satellite broadcasting on October 4, 1983, as well as the opposition of domestic public opinion, which emerged as an important variable in the negotiation process. Through this, it was intended to lay the foundation for the historical facts necessary to interpret the negotiation process between the two countries over the implementation of AFKN's satellite broadcasting in the context of world history of cultural globalization. As a research method, the historical literature research method was used, focusing on archive documents stored in diplomatic archives. The study revealed that public opinion's movement toward cultural imperialism under domestic political conditions, which had authoritarian control over the media, served as an accidental factor to help carry out the regime's interests of regime protection. Through these findings, this paper interpreted that AFKN-TV's satellite broadcasting, which was implemented under the U.S. Department of Defense plan without the prior consent of the Korean government, clearly shows that Korea has been "semi-forced" into the U.S.-led cultural globalization order.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.643-674
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• 2016

The purpose of present study is to discover the meaning of the Eogul(억울) which is known as a emotion from perceived unfairness. Even though Eogul has been mentioned as a cause of the Hwabyung in Korean culture there were few studies about it. Researchers designed two studies to provide clear understanding for this concept. In study 1, researchers conducted an open-ended questionnaire for 44 participants to deduce the cultural contexts and the whole experience on Eogul. Data were analyzed with grounded theory, the results were cross-checked by different evaluators. According to the analysis, Eogul is not only the negative feelings from the perceived unfairness, but also the motivations and behaviors to resolve the feelings. Especially, what makes Eogul culture-bounded could be related display rules on expressing emotions. We conducted study 2 to clarify the cultural attributes of Eogul in Korean culture. Variables that explain cultural differences were chosen and 123 participants were surveyed with them including the items developed for measuring Eogul. Cultural meanings and implications of Eogul were discussed with the results.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.187-214
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• 2010

This article is aimed at understanding the goals of the citizenship educations and changes of political cultures in the Sukarno, Suharto, and the post-Suharto periods in Indonesia. Sukarno's and Suharto's regimes adopted Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, as the philosophical basis of education. The citizenship education based on Pancasila was nothing but a political education, which aimed at suppressing the masses and justifying authoritarian rules of the regimes. After the collapse of the Suharto regime, a democratic citizenship education has launched, which emphasized the expanded civic rights and obligations as world citizens and the masses' active participation in politics. However, in this new curriculum, Pancasila is still emphasized as the supporting philosophical pillar of education. The reason is because, through the values of communitarianism represented in the discourse of Pancasila, the state needs to control the possible irresponsible and undemocratic behaviors of local powers and global economy when liberalism is not effectively controlled.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.39-63
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• 2009

Retrospecting the past 60 years of interactions between the executive and the legislature in Korea, it is found that the Korean National Assembly is neither a minimal legislature nor a marginal legislature any more. The symbolic role of the Assembly has acquired a remarkable growth and profound strength and there is no need to worry about institutional viability any further. However, its role as a resolver or manager of social conflicts is still under the dominance of the executive and shows even an indication that it might be worsened. Such incapability of the legislature owed much to the vertical control from the outside especially during the authoritarian regimes, however, nowadays it owes much to the inability of consensus building among the out-bursting controversial and horizontal opinions inside of it. Not sufficient managerial capability required for exercising autonomous decision making power efficiently is a major detrimental factor. It traces back to the inability of party politics and demassifying political leadership. Normalization of party politics is identified as one of the essential prerequisites for Korean political development in this regard.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.178-186
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• 2024

While in high-income countries the development of digital technology began in the 1970s, in low- and middle-income countries it began in the 1990s and even after 2005, due to the political regime that constrained economic development and innovation. At the same time, there are no studies of the relationship between technological development and structural changes through innovation in low- and middle-income countries. The article aims to quantify the relationship of the introduction of digital technologies on innovation, structural transformation of low- and middle-income economies. The industrial-agrarian economy of Uzbekistan with an authoritarian regime is in a state of transition to a market economy, while in Ukraine, there are active processes of Europeanization and integration into the EU. Ukraine's economy is commodity-based (the export of raw materials of industries and the agricultural sector in developed countries predominates) and industrial-agrarian. Digital technologies and the service sector are little developed in Uzbekistan. On the other hand, Ukraine has a more developed ICT sector. Uzbekistan is gradually undergoing an innovative and structural transformation of the economy: the productivity of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors is growing, but the ICT sector is virtually undeveloped. In comparison, in Ukraine, there are no significant structural transformations due to a significant drop in productivity of the industrial sector, with stable growth of productivity of the agricultural sector due to technology and a slight increase in productivity of the service sector. It is revealed that Ukraine and Uzbekistan have undergone structural transformations of the economy in favor of the service sector, while the agricultural and industrial sectors produce less and less. If Uzbekistan remains the industrial-agrarian country with an aggregate share of the added value of these sectors 59% in 2019, Ukraine transits to the post-industrial type of economy where the added value of the service sector in GDP grows (55% compared to agrarian and industrial sectors at 42%).

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.317-331
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• 2016

This study was carried out as a preliminary study to analyze the effect of parenting attitudes on the career decision-making types of middle school students. We analyzed the mediating effect of self-efficacy to develop a program that can be implemented jointly at home and at school to help middle school students who are facing the Free Semester System in 2016 to form an ideal career decision-making type. To that end, a survey was conducted with 345 students attending a middle school located in Northern Seoul, and the 335 valid questionnaires were analyzed using SPSS v22. In the sociodemographic analysis, there was no difference in parenting attitudes between groups in terms of religion and family income. The democratic attitude of parents had the greatest impact on the rational career decision-making type, while the permissive attitude had a partial effect. The authoritarian attitude had no effect. Self-efficacy had a mediating effect in only the relationship between democratic parenting attitude and the rational career decision-making type. These findings imply that to help middle school students form a rational career decision-making type, intervention in variables other than self-efficacy is necessary in addition to parent education.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.16
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• pp.101-112
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze trilogy by means of semiotics. trilogy constructs a story as a whole while each piece delivers a concluded ending. This study used 'modele actantiel' and 'carre semiotique' of Greimas in order to clarify not only the meaning structure but also the course of narrative of . is a compelling story which reverses the fairy tale of a beautiful princess and a heroic prince. Each piece of the trilogy unfolds as following; (1)ls the love of a princess and an ogre possible? (2)Can the marriage of the couple get confirmed? (3)Can Shrek be free again? The repeated meaning structure of trilogy is the binary opposition of nature versus culture, and the narrative course forms the meaning square on the basis of the opposition. Human culture represented by the lord Farquaad and Duloc castle signifies cleanness, order, complex, anxiety, paranoia, authoritarian, and violent. On the contrary, Nature represented by Shrek and the swamp signifies barbarity, freedom, confident, maturity, unstrained, and humar. The meaning of Shrek series is generated by the structure of the basic discrimination of culture versus nature. However, as story twists the bias and fixed idea, the meaning structure of Shrek shows a unique relationship of culture and nature. Although Shrek, an ogre, lives alone in a swamp because of the bias of human world, he is depicted as self-sufficient, comfort, and broad-minded. On the basis of this meaning structure, Shrek is not a story that an ogre(nature) strives to enter the human culture, nor a story that nature wins a victory at the confrontation between culture and nature, but a story that human(culture) and ogre(nature) overcome their fixed ideas through the transition from culture to nature and vice versa.