• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.12
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• pp.5655-5662
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• 2011

This aim of the study intended to investigate the relationship among safety accident, impulsiveness and maternal child-rearing attitude of elementary students. The study was also done to acquire basic information on safety education program to help students be more aware of safety. A research was conducted from November 15 to 24, 2010 by means of self-report questionnaires distributed to 558 elementary students. Safety accident occurrence of subject is 51.3%, and the most frequent place was on school and home around. The safety accident occurrence was statistically significant difference according to students' gender, grade and the level of school life attitude. The safety accident occurrence correlated positively with authoritarian control, overprotection, and achievement, as defined maternal child-rearing attitude, and not with impulsiveness. The results of this study indicate that safety education program are needed to prevent the safety accidents, and to change the maternal child-rearing attitude of elementary students.

• Knowledge Management Research
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.1-12
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• 2014

It is tried to draw the failure traits of leadership by extracting leadership parts from previous failure studies and including some parts which mention failure leadership among leadership-related books. All of 5 patterns are drawn through total 13 types of study data. From 'insensitive to change' and authoritarianism which is mentioned 8 times in such 13 studies, to 'interpersonal problem', which is mentioned five times, traits which are mentioned at least five times are selected. There are drawn 5 traits including ${\Delta}$ authoritarianism ${\Delta}insensitive$ to change ${\Delta}lack$ of executive ability ${\Delta}populism$ and ${\Delta}interpersonal$ problem. As being examined in these 5 types of failure traits, the failure of leadership is ultimately happened because of communication heading for the inside without any communication(exchange) to the outside. That is, it is understood that authoritarian leaders don't perceive change correctly but make a wrong communication (populism) or break down communication. Additionally, the executive ability is to perform actually one's idea and to be achieved through incessant communication with members. Compared with other various studies to draw failure factors, these leadership traits have something in common. In the previous researches conducted the study of general failure factors, ${\Delta}adherence$ to preexisting business and resistance to change ${\Delta}unfeasible$ expansion strategy ${\Delta}blind$ faith in successful technology and innovation and ${\Delta}insufficiency$ to grasp competitor(consumer) are pointed out as the failure factors. It is deemed that these are happened because organizational management is headed for the inside without any communication (exchange) to the external environments. Matters unfolded through this paper until now are an attempt to apply the failure knowledge to a leadership part which is an individual field in business administration. It is considered that this study will be complemented through additional case study or quantitative analysis in the future.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.111-130
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to conduct a qualitative analysis of mothers' role experiences during their children's transition from early childhood to middle childhood. Eleven mothers of first-grade elementary school students participated in a group meeting, group interviews and journal writing. The results indicated that mothers described their experiences as a critical first step outwards on the journey to independence. The role experiences of the mothers who participated in this study can be seen from three perspectives: Firstly, as mothers as individuals projecting a mother's worries onto their child and becoming a capable person to help their children adjust to a new school environment, secondly, as mothers as family members experiencing a more authoritarian parenting style and difficulties of co-parenting with their husbands and parents-in-law, and lastly, as mothers as members of the extended family systems experiencing communication difficulties regarding the public education system and feeling uncomfortable with other parents. The findings may be used to develop support programs as well as a channel for interacting with public education bodies and community agencies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

This paper seeks to analyze how the welfare state has developed both in the Kim Young Sam government and in the Kim Dae Jung government. Among other things, the two governments share some similarities: compared to the previous authoritarian governments, both of them enjoyed a high level of democratic legitimacy; the two were under pressure to win the elections to acquire and remain in power; and finally, the two tried to strengthen welfare system. But there exist more critical differences. The Kim Dae Jung government was a minority government, while the Kim Young Sam government was a majority one. Compared to the latter one, the former came to power in an extremely bad economic condition. Fortunately, however, the Kim Dae Jung government was able to enjoy a relatively high level of state autonomy resulting from an exceptional situation of foreign currency crisis. In addition, it was more reformist in policy orientation and had a more open cooperative network with civil society. All these differences added up to produce remarkable differences with regard to the improvement in welfare development. Especially, it is noted that the Kim Dae Jung government was very successful in several respects: provision of national minimum, integration of national medical insurance, development of productive welfare system, and final1y increase in welfare spending. Recently, criticisms from the opposition party, the press, and middle and upper class people mount against the Kim Dae Jung government which has made significant mistakes in instituting the separation of medical and pharmaceutical businesses. However, the important improvements in welfare institutions and programs by the Kim Dae Jung government need to be maintained to deal with all the negative effects of a naked market economy. They must also be sustained to keep alive democracy that Korean people have fought for nearly half a century.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.43 no.5
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• pp.411-422
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• 2010

Objectives: This study aims to investigate the factors related to Korean physicians' trust in the government. Methods: We used structured questionnaires that were composed of multidimensional scales for each of the various categories. Results: The recognition levels of trust of the government by Korean physicians were not high, and they ranged from 3.6 to 4.8 for ten scales. The factors related to trust in the government were categorized into seven factors on the basis of a factor analysis. On the regression analysis, a positive relationship was found between "the individual propensity to trust" and trust in the government, while a negative relationship was found between "the recognition level regarding the government as an authoritarian power" and trust in the government. "Confidence about participation in the policy process" as internal efficacy and "belief in governmental ability and motivation toward public demand" as external efficacy also showed a strong positive relationship with trust in the government. Conclusions: From these results, we can draw the conclusion that making efforts to improve the recognition level of trust in the government among physicians is an important policy task. To increase the trust level, participation of physicians in the policy process in various ways and open communication between the physicians' associations and the government should be facilitated.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.267-277
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• 2011

The study looks at the development of new & renewable technology in a latecomer country, Korea. The main question is whether the development is driven by 'green demand' from the people or by the 'growth demand' from the industry. It also asks what are the characteristics of socio-technical constituency behind the development of new & renewable energy technology; growth-centered or environment-centered. It is found out that a 'New & renewable energy technology socio-techical constituency', consisted of NGOs, industry and government in the form of membership to New & Renwable Energy Policy Council of the government program, was established driving the development of new & renewable energy technology development in Korea. Yet, the coalition among them was based on 'the desire for growth' rather than 'the concern for environment'. The changes in authoritarian development state such as the adoption of governance approach to public decision-making process also contributed to the formation of the constituency.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.184-210
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• 2014

There have been technologically distorted naturalization and overzealous digital culture in the formation and development of digital society in Korea. While the suppressive aspects of the 'neo-'authoritarian control and regulation have been excessively centered on the Internet, the autonomous actions of online users from below, with regards to their roles in agenda-setting function, have been evolved as the political. This paper aims to investigate the specificities in the developmental mode of digital technology in Korean society since the mid-90s. In this paper, 'techno-surplus' depicts the state that the abnormal is embedded within a technological artifact beyond its receptive ability. 'Techno-surplus society' designates such an extreme case of specifying technological surplus. In fact, the term of 'techno-surplus society' can be used for a metaphor symbolizing our society, in which social distortion and abnormality caused by 'techno-surplus' have been quite frequently happening, in its comparison to a degree of normality in the institutional politics. This paper explores the local specificities of 'techno-surplus society', in which the regressive aspects have stand out as being more different from the technological developments in China, Japan and the U.S.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.75-79
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to introspect again the role of the criminal law at a time when it is said that numerous criminal and legal discussions are needed to develop the so called "reply manipulation " case that is shaking the nation's political history. The research method considered the literature and precedents discussed in the past, and discussed the issue of subculture abuse caused by the internet, which is a product of convenience and affluence that came with the Forth industrial revolution through criminal law. Through a computer program, a discussion was held on what penalties would be imposed on the criminal law for attempting to manipulate public opinion by manipulating the so-called number of comments or Reaction. Question of whether the criminal law should further emphasize the need for a discussion on the need for a method to strengthen the preventive functions of the criminal law and expand the scope of punishment in order to address new causes of risk that came with the development of science. Without reflecting on whether such as "government-inspired demonstration "would be possible in today's world that was in the public perception of the authoritarian government of the past, it is a problem to see that the political goals of a particular group can be achieved by manipulating comments or creating public opinion on the Internet. The duty of criminal law is to protect the interests of the law. The role of the criminal law should be maintained the self limiting as far as possible in cases of violation or danger of the law. Still, it is a problem that the role of the criminal justice system today is too aggressive and is seen as a top tool rather than a last resort for solving problems. he role of the internet will be expanded further in the Hyper Connected society. To solve these problems, we should look forward to a change in the priority of other laws and policies other than criminal law.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.475-487
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• 2008

The purposes of this study are to find the values of playful design by exploring what forms of playful expressions and characteristics appear in the haute couture collections that feature "high culture" other than street fashion or popular fashion and to help expand the scope to include newer and more creative design ideas. Concerning theoretical background, the study reviewed the literature to understand the concept of playfulness and see what types of playfulness there are and how it is expressed. Based on the results, the study examined the features of playfulness by analyzing the works of haute couture collections which since 2000. The results can be summarized as follows: First, designers in the haute couture collections constructed their own identities by expressing their instinctive desire for playfulness through graffiti such as cartoons or scribbles and delivering direct and specific messages or ambiguous and symbolic meanings through such things. Second, the haute couture collections revealed the human body in a transformed or distorted shape through deformation of clothes or accessories presented brand-new dressing styles by breaking away from the past ways of dressing; and expressed playfulness intentionally with distorted materials. Third, is the "depaysement" technique. This collage technique selects all possible objects going beyond inartistic routine matters or boundaries of which we are aware and changes their positions and purposes of use to express the playfulness of "harmony in disharmony." Fourth, the haute couture collections created a feeling of playfulness by featuring parodies of retro elements, a slice of popular culture, or a variety of painting styles. Finally, like using dolls or toys as accessories or making direct use of parts of clothes, combinations between attributes given by the images of those accessories themselves and creativities found in haute couture dresses are just as fun of authoritarian bias in favor of prestigiousness.