• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2019

This study explores the emergence of a modern form of Cheongju-eup townscape in the late 1930s by re-examining the 1960s restoration model of Seongan-dong and Jungang-dong in Cheongju, one of the historic cities in South Korea. According to the acquired data from the restoration model, it is found that the construction of a new urban area during the late 1930 was resulted from the following events: the development of a railroad station located outside of the north gate of Cheongju-eup since 1921, the completion of Musimcheon embankment outside the south gate in 1932, and the construction of Chungcheongbuk provincial office outside the eastern gate in 1937. In this period of development, which the author named 'Cheongju-eup period', the streets in the old castle, consisting only of two-story financial buildings, had been expanded from the existing area at the Seongan-gil intersection to the outside the east gate of Cheongju-eup. In addition, public government buildings, which were mainly located in both Seongan-gil and Yulgok-ro in the east-west direction, were newly constructed during the late 1930s in Seokgyo-dong, a new area in which a large number of commercial buildings including department stores, clothing stores, shoes shops, and watch stores were also built along the streets. Moreover, the modern form of Cheongju-eup was to be formed by several construction projects in the area of Jungang-ro in the late 1930s. Until the 1920s, the townscape outside the northern gate of Cheongju-eup, were composed of primary, agricultural, and female schools built on a largest site of Gyoseo-ro and Daeseong-ro as well as a transportation warehouse and a railway office near the Cheongju station. Then, entering the 1930s, new school buildings and domestic industrial shops and factories were built around the area of Jungang-ro ranging from the railway outside the northern gate to Bangadari. As a result, the expansion of townscape with newly constructed buildings in the late 1930s marked the emergence of a modern form of Cheongju-eup.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.11
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• pp.111-124
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• 2014

This dissertation is to seek new valuable possibility of the 100 best Chinese films on storytelling in Chinese films as considering about content development of Korea and China's Collaborative film production and extension, that being magnified as a new content for variety of Korean film production. The moment to the Korean wave is getting cold in Japan, Korean wave is attempt to receive attention in new field through China by various image field with Korean drama's appeal. However, film content fall short of our expectation than media content, even if supporting much various attempts with Korea and China's Collaborative film production content. Specially, there are not satisfied films for Korea and China both counties's audience, although Korea and China's Collaborative film production has been produced steadily. The writer studies on stories of Chinese essential 100 films for searching deeply this problem. Among them, in selected 'The 100 Best Chinese Films' by China in 2005, films in 1930's are selected as the first step to study, and this dissertation searches to communicate storytelling's meaning in Chinese films through that time image. This studies what is the point of selected story by China, and there are what kind of worries. This dissertation considers that focused on characters, event and background. Chinese film in 1930's represented life in times through process of play development that is connected with poverty, reality of society, death, tragedy and tragicomedy.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.305-337
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• 2019

The aim of this thesis is to explore some aspects and characteristics of 109 volumes of collections of works at Uiryeong area in Gyeongsangnam-do Province. The author analyzed type of printing, type of collections of works, their birth year and the family name of the author, the place and the year, and the publisher of the publication of these different 109 kinds of the collections of works. The results are as follows: The collections of works demonstrate their forefathers' academic competencies. The types of printings were divided into 4 types, wood block printing, wooden movable-type printing, new lead-type printing, lithography printing. Of the collections of works 48% were wooden movable-type printing. The types of collections of works were divided into 3 types, Munjip(文集), Yujip(遺集), and Silgi(實記). Of the collections of works 49% were Munjip. The authors were local intellectuals. Of these authors 67% of authors were born in the 19th century. Twenty nine lineage groups published collections of works at Uiryeong area. 90% of the publications were published in the 20th century. In terms of place, 81% of the collections of works were published in the worshipping halls for their ancestors. 63% of the collections of works were published within 50 years after the author had died.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.187-195
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• 2021

Nam Nong Heo Geon(1908-1987) re-recognized and re-created the tradition of Korean Namjong painting by excluding Japanese art forms after liberation. He is a great painter in the Korean art world, who has succeeded and developed Korean Namjong Painting in a modern way, pioneering a new field of 'NewNamhwa' with a composition that fuses modern Western style and real scenery. Based on optimism, Namnong's painting world can be divided into three periods: the 'Namnong Sanin' period in the 1930s, the 'Namnongoesa' period from the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, and the 'the owner of Unlimsanbang' period after that. The Namnong Sanin period is a period in which the painting style handed down from the traditional namhwau family of Sochi and Misan is fully acquired, and the Japanese painting style for the exhibition in Seonjeon is reflected, and the local real scenery is treated a lot, and the two styles are mixed. In the Namnong-oesa period, after liberation, a new formativeness was explored in the traditional Namhwa style. In particular, based on the scenery and sentiments of the southern provinces, he focused on local and landscape paintings, depicting real landscapes with lyricism and local love, while expressing subjects with fast brush strokes, a worndown writing brush, and dry brushes, along with freehand adjustment of shading. The period of the owner of unlimsanbang is in accordance with the flow of modern art to some extent, but is gradually omitted as a composition full of academic fragrance that draws a meaning befitting traditional painting. I painted a lot of lyrical landscapes and pine trees of sumugdamchae. Namnong named it 'NewNamhwa'. Namnong established 'Namhwa Research Institute' and worked hard to nurture his disciples, where Im-in's son Heomun and Namnong's eldest grandson Heojin practiced, continuing the legacy of the 5th generation Unlimsanbang painter.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.1-36
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• 2000

Periodic markets of the later Choson dynasty had undergone fundamental changes during the late Chosun dynasty and Japanese colony period. This paper aims to analyse the spatial distributions and changes of the periodic markets in the middle stream of Han-River in this era in the use of the survey of documentary records and fieldwork. Before the early 1910s, long distance transportation was made by riverboats, short distance transportation was done by porters and pack animals. Because goods such as rice, soybean and salt were very heavy and needed long distance transport, they were mainly transported by riverboats. Accordingly, riverports on the shore of river played important roles in exporting and importing goods as nodes of long distance transportation. The opening of railroad Seoul-Busan, the construction of new roads(Sinjakno) of 1910s and the use of oxcarts produced striking changes in the spatial distribution and hierarchy structure of periodic markets. These changes also had influence on the outflow and inflow of goods in the middle stream of Han-River. In the parr of outflow of goods, it seems that the line linking Icheon city-Yongin city-Anseong city played a role in making the boundaries of the marketing areas between goods trams ported by the rail road Seoul-Busan and goods done by Han River river boats. Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets located around railroad stations occupied the higher positions than those of other regions in the hierarchial structure of periodic markets. Their marketing areas could nearly overwhelm those of riverports located in the middle stream region of Han River and extend to the middle stream region of Han River as a result of decrease of transport cost through using of oxcarts and railroads. the opening of railroad Suwon-Yeoju(Suryoson) and railroad Cheonan-Janghawon(Cheonjangson) brought about changes of the structure of long distance trade again. In a part of outflow of goods, it seems that as a result of the new opening of their railroads periodic markets around railroads seized a large portion of the marketing area of the southern part of Yoju and Ichon area and therefore made extreme change in rivershipping of Han River. In the inflow part of goods, goods transported by riverboats from the downstream of Han River before the opening of railroad were imported directly from railroad stations. Accordingly, rivershipping and riverports declined. And because goods were imported by way of great periodic markets and supplied to small periodic markets and consumers before the opening of railroad, but supplied from railroad stations to small periodic markets and consumers after the opening of railroad. The volume of turnover of such great periodic markets as Anseong, Osan and Suwon periodic markets therefore declined. On the other hand, because Yangpyong area had not been yet included within the sphere of influence of railroad until 1930s, it heavily depended on rivershipping of Han River as before. But the opening of railroad Seoul-Wonju(jungangson) brought about decline of rivershipping in Yangpyong and Wonju area.