• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.25-34
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• 2020

The study of the modern age period folk house is still insufficient in the Korean folk house study. The study subject had a tendency towards mainly on the plan in the field of the traditional folk house which had been studied relatively lively. We were going to grasp the formation and the actual situation of the folk house in this paper targeting at Yeosu city where the folk houses were left relatively a lot. Specifically, we examined it how the composition and dimensions of timber framework changed according to period. The division of period from before 1910 to the 1960s classified it at 4 periods on the basis of the sociocultural change. However, as a result of investigation analysis, the change of the composition and dimensions of timber framework was classified at 3 periods not 4 periods. The division of 3 periods is "traditional era", "modern age 1", and "modern age 2" not "traditional era", "modern age", and "contemporary age". The folk house group came as a common name for folk house without doing the division of period until now. There is a meaning in that this paper subdivided the period of the folk house group by the change of the timber framework technology. The timber framework is the effective index to investigate the actual condition because the change is difficult after building. Therefore, we examined it including the dimensions as well as the composition of timber framework in this paper comprehensively and systematically.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.73-99
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• 2023

The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.160-167
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• 1994

Meteorological elements such as air temperature, relative humidity, rainfall, sunshine duration, and so on observed by Korea Meteorological Administration, were analyzed to estimate the climatic change and to establish countermeasures in agriculture. Climatic differences were compared between two periods, early($1931{\sim}1960$) and late($1961{\sim}1990$), by calculating climatic resource indices, coldness index and warmth index of the two periods. Annual mean air temperatures of Seoul, Taegu, and Pusan in 1910's were 10.7, 12.3, and $13.4^{\circ}C$, respectively, having increased by $1.3^{\circ}C$ in Seoul and Taegu and by $0.9^{\circ}C$ in Pusan in 1990's. Mean air temperature in the spring($March{\sim}May$) increased by $0.69^{\circ}C$, which is a higher increasing rate than in the other seasons ($0.26{\sim}0.33^{\circ}C$). Regional differences exist in annual mean air temperature between the early and late part of the 20th century with little increase in this experiment did not germinate at pH 1.0. At pH 2.0, the flowering cabbage and geranium in the middle northern area, while in the southern part about $1^{\circ}C$increase was recorded during the last period. In the late period the annual rainfall increased by 100mm, except for the western coast area and the middle northern area. The P/E ratio showed a trend of an annual increase in the late period, being higher in the summer and lower in the winter. Relative humidity showed slight differences in seasons and regions but annual values did not. Duration of sunshine decreased by about an hour in the spring. Coldness index and warmth index of the late period were higher by 3.7 and 1.0 than those of the early period, respectively.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.72-87
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• 2018

This study highlights a drainage gate and a ditch, which existed around the whole area of the western shore of Wolji Pond(月池) and focuses on a possible connection between the drainage facility on the western shore and the historical drainage system of Wolji Pond. Specifically, it primarily considered locations and the form of a drainage gate, the relationship between northwestern ditch of Wolji Pond and the drainage gate, and the establishment period and the character of the drainage facility on the western shore. The drainage gate found in excavation in 1975 is determined as the same facility as Surakgu(水落口) recorded on an actual measurement drawing, 1922. Therefore, it is highly probable that there were already the drainage facility in the western shore of Wolji Pond before the 1920s. The drainage gate constructed by processing rectangular stones has four drainage holes for controlling water level. The way of the drainage through the drainage holes is the same as that of the northern shore of Wolji Pond. From a cadastral map drawn in 1913, it is found that the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond. The ditch was proximate to the drainage gate and shared the same axes. Hence, the ditch and the drainage gate are determined as a organic facility connected to the drainage system of Wolji Pond. In particular, the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond is the basis for judging that the drainage facility in the western shore were established before the 1910s. Water flowed in through drainage holes of the drainage gate is drained into the northwest of Wolji Pond, through the ditch. The establishment period and the intention of the drainage facility on the western shore can be interpreted in two aspects. First, they might be 'a agricultural irrigation facility in the Joseon era', given that Wolji Pond was recorded as a agricultural reservoir, and that the whole northwestern area of Wolji Pond was used as farm land areas. Second, they might be 'a drainage facility for controlling the water level in creating Wolji Pond', given that the drainage gate was annexed to the lower shore forming the waterline of Wolji Pond, and that the hight of drainage holes on top of the drainage gate was similar to the full water level of Wolji Pond. Considering the related grounds and circumstance, the latter possibility is high.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.40-53
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• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.131-155
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• 2017

While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.35-48
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• 2003

The primary goal of this study is to define the future image of modern fashion. By review of many references, this study has examined predictable future in common, various researches on future, and futurism that appeared from art history. This study has also identified the trend of future image and the properties of the image in terms of fashion as well. The purpose of this study is defined as future image of modern fashion. First of all. through a large literature, this study is to examine general future and the study of future, to investigate futurism appears from art history. and to identify the trend of future image and the properties of the image in terms of fashion. The main results of this study include : 1) General future means forthcoming sometime or a state of life at that time, and future is not drawing near naturally in accordance with the passage of time. The future is developed according as which the owners of time have independent meaning and what they select. 2) The futurism had started with the background based on Darwins and Einsteins scientific theories and Bergsons and Nietzsches philosophical thoughts, which was then established by Marinettis Futurism Statement and Dynamism Theory of Umberto Boccionio, Giaomo Balla, Luigi Russolo and Gino Severini. As the purpose of futurism is to represent the dynamism of machinery and the beauty of speed, it has been developed toward op art and kinetic art including video art, laser art, and holography. 3) Fashion style and trend of futurism from the beginning of 20th century up to now can be defined as follows : Firstly futurism fashion represented by loud colors and geometric pattern appeared from 1910s to 1930s in the first place. Secondly, or art fashion and kinetic fashion appeared in 1960s due to the influence of op art and kinetic art which were developmental arts of futurism paintings. Space Look and Cosmo Corps Look that were designed by Andre Courreges, Pierre Cardin, Rudi Gernreich and Paco Rabanne, were also the trend of future image fashion. Thirdly, various materials and techniques developed this future image fashion in 1980s, and Glitter Look and Collage Look were its representative style. Fourthly, in 1990s, human beings dreamed the freedom of mind by human-oriented thought. and created the ecology of new concept mixed with technology due to anxiety on environmental destruction. which influenced on the advent of Zen style.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.30 no.3 s.151
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• pp.447-457
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to document and preserve an unidentified textile purchased at a flea market. This study object is important because it is one of the very rare silk insert series from 1930s which were created for commercial use(as inclusion in cigarette packages). The investigation was conducted by researching the limited publications that discuss silk inserts, visiting many sites on the internet that offer such inserts for sale or catering to the collectors of these silk inserts, and especially visiting the collection of silk inserts, named the J.R. Burdick Collection, at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Several pieces matched the patches used in the study piece. But Buidick's description on time frame(1912-1915) did not indicate the full range of production of silk inserts. After the identification of object, the conservation treatment was carefully done using adhesives. The results of this study can be summarized as follows; 1. The silk inserts of the study object were included as promotions by some company owned by the American Tobacco Company, probably at some time between 1934 and 1939. 2. The initial stage in the conservation treatment was mechanical surface cleaning using a vacuum cleaner. After vacuuming, humidification was conducted to reduce creases in the top of the object. The damaged areas were backed with stabiltax coated with a solution of Elvace 45675 since the fiber of this object was too deteriorated. 3. Adhesive treatments using Elvace showed satisfactory results: flexibility, strength, no damaging effects on the study object, removability without damaging the object.

• Journal of Microbiology and Biotechnology
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• v.30 no.5
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• pp.785-792
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• 2020

ʟ-Theanine, found in green tea leaves has been shown to positively affect immunity and relaxation in humans. There have been many attempts to produce ʟ-theanine through enzymatic synthesis to overcome the limitations of traditional methods. Among the many genes coding for enzymes in the ʟ-theanine biosynthesis, glutamylmethylamide synthetase (GMAS) exhibits the greatest possibility of producing large amounts of production. Thus, GMAS from Methylovorus mays No. 9 was overexpressed in several strains including vectors with different copy numbers. BW25113(DE3) cells containing the pET24ma::gmas was selected for strains. The optimal temperature, pH, and metal ion concentration were 50℃, 7, and 5 mM MnCl₂, respectively. Additionally, ATP was found to be an important factor for producing high concentration of ʟ-theanine so several strains were tested during the reaction for ATP regeneration. Baker's yeast was found to decrease the demand for ATP most effectively. Addition of potassium phosphate source was demonstrated by producing 4-fold higher ʟ-theanine. To enhance the conversion yield, GMAS was additionally overexpressed in the system. A maximum of 198 mM ʟ-theanine was produced with 16.5 mmol/l/h productivity. The whole-cell reaction involving GMAS has greatest potential for scale-up production of ʟ-theanine.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.1-24
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• 2018

This following research is a study on the use of French and de-locality in the modern Korean poet Lee Sang's poetry (1910-1937). His hometown was Kyung Sung, Seoul. He mainly wrote his works in Korean, Chinese character, and Japanese, using the language of education and his native language at that time. So then, what was the spirit that he wanted to embody through use of French words? By using words like "ESQUISSE", "AMOUREUSE", Sang's French was not a one-time use of foreign words intended to amuse, but to him the words were as meticulously woven as his intentions. French words were harmonized with other non-poetic symbols such as "${\Box}$, ${\triangle}$, ${\nabla}$", and described as a type of typographical hieroglyphics. Instead of his mother-tongue language, French was applied as a surrealistic vocabulary that implemented the moral of infinite freedom and imagination, and expressed something new or extrasensory. Subsequently, the de-localized French (words) in his poetry can be seen as poetic words to implement a "new spirit", proposed by western avant-garde artists. Analysis of French in his poetry, showed a sense of yearning for the scientific civilization, calling for his sense of defeat and escape from the colonized inferior native land. Most of all, comparing his pursuit of western civilization and avant-garde art to French used in his poetry, is regarded as world-oriented poetry intended to implement the new tendency of the "the locomotive of modernity," transcending the territory of the native country.